Mr. Putin, how are you in the new office, in the new chair, in the new position? Are there significant differences from the previous situation?
No.
The amount of work is about the same, although the sense of responsibility is, of course, greater.
But it does not depend on either the chair or the office.
I would like to talk about the most acute political problem of today's Russia - about Chechnya - and understand what is happening, because after the New Year we received very different reports: we stopped and did not release Grozny, then there are new battles in Shali and Argun.
That we have a truce.
An incomprehensible situation.
What stage are we in today?
I'm surprised that such questions arise.
It seemed to me that everything was developing according to plan.
The plan has not changed, nothing happened that would make us think that something unusual is happening.
Is that the only pause that arose during the Christmas holidays and holidays of the Muslims of Uraza-Bairam.
I must say that the opposing party asked for the suspension of hostilities, and we responded to this.
How the people who oppose us took advantage of this pause, we know.
They attempted to attack two settlements - Shali and Argun.
I must say that the very professional and decisive actions of our military all put in place.
In fact, it was rather a propaganda attack, albeit unsafe.
But we lost people?
Among the servicemen of the Ministry of Defense there was not a single loss, and among the servicemen of the internal troops there were losses.
I can not say that those people who led the operation, they did everything right to the end.
I must say that in some cases the terrorists proved to be more cunning.
Of course, certain conclusions are drawn from this.
But, I want to emphasize this, there has not been any change in the situation in Chechnya and, I assure you, will not come.
The generals took such, in my opinion, absolutely political actions, like the announcement of all Chechens from 10 to 60 years suspected of terrorism.
And such a toughening of our position, apparently, looked like a weakness, like a pullback, like excessive suspicion.
You know, I'll tell you, it just now comes to my mind, because you so formulated the question: weakness and strength.
This is not a weakness - it is the correlation of democratic institutions and approaches to terrorism and banditry.
Because we are acting with our opponents within the framework of the law in force in Russia, and they are acting with us with methods of terror.
That's what this is all about.
If we had the opportunity to detain and arrest people not for two or three days, as is required by the Code of Criminal Procedure of the Russian Federation, but immediately for 10, 20, 30, 60 days, much would be different.
That's what all this is happening from, this results and not always accurate and verified military statements.
I'll tell you now what I did not say before.
We have, according to the law on terrorism, a decree of the President, based on this law, on the formation of the operational headquarters for the conduct of an anti-terrorist operation.
Here in Moscow?
Of course.
In accordance with the decree of the President, he is headed by the Minister of Defense.
I repeat, this decree, which was issued last year, is in full compliance with the law on combating terrorism.
Here is what is reported to the media at this level, at the level of the Minister of Defense, can be considered official opinion and official information.
All that is below is the current operational information, and there people can say exact or not very accurate things.
Do you think that the information support is sufficient?
You understand, we are faced with a situation where people in Russia are very sympathetic to the operation, to the people who conduct it, to those who have made a political decision about this operation.
But the information support is so confused in the last, maybe a month or half a month, that it starts to give the impression that something is wrong, something is not going according to plan.
At the same time, there are people who do not explain anything, but suddenly there are statements that residents from 10 to 60 years are potential terrorists, there is in fact some kind of horror in front of all Chechens except children and very old people.
Suddenly there are statements that fighting has started again.
And this is information support.
The view has not changed in the negative direction, but there are already a lot of doubts that something is wrong, and, perhaps, we are insincere.
Do you think that this is a flaw in the fact that generals provide information that the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Defense are engaged in information support?
Maybe create a different organization?
If you will allow me, I will still make a small remark to which I would like to respond to the beginning of your question.
You said that people were very sympathetic to the operation in Chechnya.
I think that people are not sympathetic to the operation, but they want the order in Russia to be put in order, including in the North Caucasus.
And I can firmly state that we are acting in the North Caucasus on behalf of the Russian people: people are tired of our looseness, irresponsibility.
As for the information support, I agree with you that here, maybe, not everything is in order.
It seems to me that this is also due to the fact that the federal forces advanced practically throughout the entire territory of Chechnya and approached the mountainous areas, but this information support remained as if in the liberated territories.
Journalists are in Mozdok.
Yes, I agree.
This is due to the fact that at the Operational Headquarters for the conduct of an anti-terrorist operation, an information body was not formed, from which it is necessary to submit information at the official level, to give the appropriate information impulse.
... as, for example, NATO did when the alliance forces invaded Kosovo.
Absolutely, at least in our opinion, the unfair and difficultly substantiated war was explained hourly and was simply submitted to the media in the smallest detail.
NATO invaded the territory of a third country - we are conducting an anti-terrorist operation on the territory of our own state.
We should be easier this way.
Yes, we are in some ways easier, but there is something in it, because the dangers of our own citizens are, and we need to think about it.
This is on the one hand.
And on the other hand - I think, and you will not argue that everything that was submitted, as part of the operation in the former Yugoslavia, can be taken at face value.
Today we know with you and the other side of this information, and we did not come up with this other side.
For example, members of the British parliament say that today's exhumations show that civilians were not shot by anyone: they were killed not by bullets, but by bomb shards.
And this completely changes the picture, the information picture that we saw with you when events unfolded in Yugoslavia.
Therefore, it is possible to say that everything was done right there, too.
But there everything was done correctly in terms of achieving the interests of those who conducted the operation there.
Here.
In this I agree with you.
Yes. And the winners are not judged.
Even if disappointment is experienced, it will be tested later.
I agree.
I wanted to ask, what about the generals?
From the point of view of information policy, it is also completely unclear which of the generals is doing what.
Because Troshev, who commanded the eastern direction, is now replaced, but nevertheless he retained his previous post.
Who's doing what? And have Troshev been punished? Or is there someone else? Who than commands?
On this account, no one should have any concern.
Generals there is nothing to punish - they are awarded.
They got the title of Hero of Russia, and they got it deservedly.
There, no one has been moved anywhere, and certainly not displaced.
And external changes are related only to a change in the situation.
Troshev commanded the eastern direction, the Shamanov - the western direction.
Now, when their groups have approached the mountains, to the southern part, the zone of direct military operations and military operations is narrowed to two or three or four points.
And their deputies can fully cope with this task.
But this does not mean that their area of responsibility has already become - on the contrary, it has become wider.
They continue to supervise and supervise what is happening in the southern part, and are responsible for all their direction in the entire territory on which they used to operate and work.
So nothing has changed in this sense.
Their zone of responsibility, I repeat, is not narrowed - it, on the contrary, is increased.
But the combat work is directed by their deputies directly at the narrow points, in the narrow places that are now left for the Armed Forces.
This is a normal, absolutely natural solution, with them coordinated and not saying that they are somewhere shifted or moved.
I have already said and can repeat again: these are people who are exceptionally worthy, who have done a lot for the successful conduct of this anti-terrorist operation.
Russia protects such generals as Vladimir Shamanov and Gennady Troshev.
That's what I'd like to say.
I know that you avoid talking about the timing of the operation, but nevertheless the military has a political resource.
You can not receive too long a report that even three soldiers are lost per day.
We say that these are small losses, but these are three tragedies, in at least three families.
If there is a political resource, how long can a military operation last?
n my opinion, no matter how bloody it may be, it should be short.
In the program on September 5, we talked about carpet bombing.
This way the problem could be solved in two weeks.
And already now, months after the problem was solved and all the settlements are occupied, one could argue whether it is good or bad, but, as we have already said, the winners are not judged.
The problem is, you say: "They put civilians in front of us," but they consider us scoundrel as a result.
This is said in the West, the Western mass media and even the Russian media write about it.
Hence, it's not those who put up a human shield in front of themselves, suffer, not their image suffers from the fact that they put up a human shield in front of them.
So, if we play by these rules, we have two ways: either start negotiations with them, do not kill these residents, or squint and go on a quick operation with carpet bombing.
We have a different approach to this problem.
We have already talked with you about the fact that we consider the peaceful inhabitants of Chechnya our citizens, and we will never do so to sacrifice them for the sake of achieving some military goals.
We will never go into this.
And the timing?
And the terms will be determined by military expediency.
We will act hard there, but not cruelly.
What it is?
I will remind you how it happened so far.
Our units moved to the settlement.
If from the concrete houses or objects turns out to be armed - I emphasize, armed resistance, - endangering the lives of our people, our servicemen, these facilities will be destroyed.
But if there is no resistance, if civilians themselves, risking, by the way, their own lives, squeeze bandits out of their settlements, we will cooperate with these people.
We will not just cooperate and welcome such actions of the civilian population - we will involve them on our side.
And only with the expansion of the base among the civilian population supported by the federal authorities, we will be able to achieve final success there.
And not with the help of carpet bombing.
This is the process ...
Yes. It takes time and patience.
This requires understanding that this is a civilized way to solve the problem.
The other is unlikely to be acceptable not only for achieving specific goals in Chechnya, but also for our own public.
You understand, this will be a heavy burden for Russia.
Such a victory will put a heavy burden on the whole country.
I do not think that we should strive to achieve our goals by such means.
I wanted to ask about this.
You said "success".
Success is undoubtedly a political decision.
That is, military success should then be replaced by a political process.
After all, not military garrisons will determine civil life in Chechnya.
So, nevertheless, with men from 10 to 60 years will have to negotiate.
With women, perhaps not, but with men, and among them there are those who are now at war.
You underestimate the role of women even there.
Although it is understandable that in the context of military operations and due to the corresponding traditions, relations there develop in different ways.
But I think that it is also not necessary to underestimate this factor: women play a very significant role in Muslim countries.
As for the solution of the main problems by political means, we must now create the conditions for these political means to be in our hands.
This is very closely related to the issue that we have just discussed.
If we move to achieve our goals at all costs, then we will never create a base there to move to solving basic problems by political means.
We have no one to negotiate with.
Is it just with men from 10 to 12 years, with children.
Neither with women, nor with adult men, we have nothing to talk about if they see completely inadequate cruelty on our part.
I'm talking about the fact that the process should look like you know: the flag on the hill that the skier sees from the plain, and you go to this flag, even if the snowstorms, even if the tracks are not visible, you see the flag.
The flag in our conditions is not visible.
It is seen. I will show.
The first stage - we finally take Grozny.
The second stage - we will finish operations in the mountains, whoever runs there and hides in the caves.
We will do it.
Then elections?
Then elections?
This election has nothing to do and should not be connected with the political processes in the country.
If we link these anti-terrorist measures, associated with the death of people, with some political campaigns, then nothing good for these political campaigns or for anti-terrorist activities will not work - we all mix into one pile.
Excuse me, maybe I'm wrong.
I mean the new President of Chechnya, that is, elections in this territory.
This is a separate topic.
We need to consult with the population of Chechnya, as they see their future.
This is already a political process.
And there are so many different forms.
The law offers us various possible solutions to problems.
If they confirm Maskhadov's authority?
I doubt it. You know, Maskhadov finally became a puppet in the hands of bandits.
Where is he, where is he?
He still offers us meetings.
Please, we are ready on certain conditions: let them give the hostages, give out the bandits, terrorists already known to us.
Where is everyone?
And running around the mountains from one settlement to another and throwing information of a compromising nature on our servicemen continues.
In general, we had the impression that he had completely lost the character of an independent politician, if he had ever been so.
If he manifests himself in this capacity, then please.
But the impression is that [for him] the train left, and not only as a negotiator for us: I think that it is unlikely that he has any chances among the Chechen people.
You understand, when now people really began to look at what was happening in recent years, they saw and realized that they were simply trivially robbed.
See what happens there.
On the one hand, there is complete poverty - and a number of palaces.
On what money, at the expense of whom is this done?
Grotesque model of Russia?
That may be grotesque.
Because there the level of poverty already completely transcends all boundaries.
At the same time, we are looking at the palaces that have arisen on unknown money.
That is known: either it is the exploitation of resources, oil and so on, which belongs, among other things, to the Chechen people, and not to one or two leaders of bandit formations, or these are stolen money from the federal budget, which we transferred to pensions and social payments: for everything For three years, no one received pensions or wages there.
Speaking of Chechnya, we touched upon the issue of corruption, the issue of theft, the issue of crimes against property, against life, against everything else.
And recently, this week, we heard you say that you were hoping that this presidential campaign in Russia will pass without compromising.
This means that the participants of the presidential race can do anything, without fear of being under the microscope of the press?
I am very pleased that this is the question you are asking me.
I think that the election campaign without compromising means that, firstly, we should not distort cards, we should not aggravate the situation in the society.
We must react to some kind of violation, if they are real - not in the process of the election campaign, but constantly.
Incidentally, this is the duty of law enforcement agencies.
This means that we should carry out this campaign on the basis of those moral values that we talked about during the Christmas celebration.
"Do not kill," "do not steal," I think, they are included.
There are many values.
But including these two.
I would like to say that, perhaps, this term is rather incomprehensible and subversive in part: maybe just divide the so-called compromising facts into facts and fiction, right?
Of course, you need to deal with facts.
Fact, in fact, I have already talked about this, law enforcement agencies should deal with.
The public too.
This can and should be public.
But this can not be timed to election campaigns.
We have a danger that a person who previously hid the facts can become a person who will decide our destinies.
If he dared to become a janitor in my yard, probably, I would almost certainly not talk about his appearance.
But if he dares to become a leader, then it always cares more of me.
I think that this super-elite special unit, the superministry, which, as they say, you create from the FSB and a number of departments and departments of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and will deal with such facts, verification.
Mr. Dorenko, "write", "write", "have heard somewhere" ... - this absolutely has no basis.
We have no plans to create any special super-elite bodies.
This is the first time I've heard about this from you.
If we want clean people to come to the authorities, not stained with some kind of undercover business, but at the same time we will base our conclusions and give information to a multi-million audience based on rumors and assumptions, it will be a dishonest and dirty campaign.
If we are talking something to millions of potential voters and viewers, then before doing this, we must check this information and use only reliable facts.
The best way to check - ask you. I'm asking.
I answer you: this is not true.
There are no plans to create any super-special service, there was not, and in my working folder, at any rate, there are no such plans and are not expected.
I would like to ask you, please tell me, how much are you now influencing the distribution of your bosses in the Duma?
How true are the rumors, avoid this word, how accurate is the unofficial information that you agreed with [the leader of the faction "Fatherland-all Russia"] Yevgeny Primakov that he will not run for president, and you will help him, in that including the forces of the faction supporting you, to become the speaker of the State Duma?
Such an agreement is not present and was not.
Mr. Primakov and I simply did not talk about such problems.
We had only one meeting with him in the general staff, remember, when I invited to the next hall the leaders of the factions of the former State Duma and the leaders of the movements who had passed to the State Duma of the third convocation.
It was a meeting in this format, in a general format.
We did not have any special talks on this subject, there are no agreements.
And influence, influence primarily because of my consultations with the leaders of factions - not even factions, but with leaders of movements, which, I repeat, went to the State Duma.
But these consultations are of the most general nature, and there was no dictation on my part, no, and there can not be, because they are people, in general, very independent, self-sufficient.
It can be, of course, some kind of arrangement.
I do not care what the future State Duma looks like.
But, importantly, it should reflect and be the result of some kind of undercover arrangements, even between respected people - the distribution of the main places in the future State Duma that influence the legislative process in the country should reflect not this overtone process, but should be a reflection of the real correlation of political forces and moods in the society.
If there is a certain faction, it means that a certain number of voters voted for it, it has the right to take an appropriate position in the Duma and should accordingly influence the legislative process in the country's parliament, thus influencing the life of the country as a whole, for some perspective.
You worked with Seleznev.
I'm simply talking about this because you supported him in the election of the governor of the Moscow region.
But this is somewhat exaggerated.
If you remember, just after this meeting I said that from one campaign the country went into another, and some have not yet finished their own in the Moscow region.
Mr. Seleznev is still in the process of the election campaign - we all, representatives of all factions, wish him success.
This was said quite freely and was immediately picked up by both opponents and supporters of Seleznev.
Apparently, you need to be more careful in such terms, but you can work with Gennady Seleznev.
I talked about this and spoke quite sincerely.
We have managed to establish working relations with the previous composition of the Duma.
You know, what you say is almost certain, one hundred percent can, will be interpreted, like Vladimir Putin - on behalf of, you know, everything, the Great ... and now the Double-Headed Eagle - Said.
And all, now Seleznev will be the speaker, because Putin wants so.
Because every word of yours is really interpreted that way, because you performed a miracle with SPS and "Medved" [Interregional Movement "Unity"].
Well, it was the same.
I do not know whether this is right or not, but I say what I think and what is really there.
Here we managed to agree with the Duma on key issues: on the adoption of the budget, on the passage of certain laws.
We managed to establish normal work, good interaction.
And it was not easy to do.
We also argued: our members of the Government sat in the Duma until five in the morning.
But we were able to agree.
And I believe that this is a very important signal for society as a whole - a signal for consolidation.
We showed that we can work together.
Well, should not I talk about it?
Why should I keep silent about this?
And you do not waste your authority, the authority of that eagle and those banners that are behind you?
Here you know how in the dash, when you several times get into the top ten, all the time in the "bullseye" - and everyone says: "He is a magician."
And the wizard does not have the right to make a mistake at all, he is not a real man - he is a magician, moreover, apparently, a future President, yes acting, and an unerring wizard.
And suddenly with Seleznev - and he is not chosen.
Then suddenly you say that Sliska could become a woman as the Chairman of the State Duma - and suddenly she is not chosen.
About Vladimir Yakovlev you say, and tomorrow it will suddenly become clear that he did something unseemly, for example.
The city is big, everything happens, - suddenly someone will say: "You missed, Akela."
And the chorus will pick up: "Akela missed."
And until March 26 elections are still far away.
You know, this danger always exists, but you need to make some fundamental decisions for yourself.
You can not adapt to what someone wants to hear.
I believe that I should always say what I think is necessary to say, and what I think.
But if it is a mistake after an error, then it will be necessary to revise something.
I will need to listen to those who criticize.
The issue of economics.
I would like to know: Kasyanov is the future prime minister?
Does he have a probationary period?
First, according to the Constitution - this is decided not only by the President, but also by the State Duma.
Secondly, Kasyanov is not the worst contender for this place.
And, thirdly, since the Duma approves the Prime Minister, it should be a compromise figure that suits many, but which is capable of carrying out those complex tasks facing the Chairman of the Government.
Thank you for the interview.
And I hope that you will continue to be equally open to the press.
Thank you.
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