On Nature League, we spend the third week of each month exploring a current trending
article from the peer-reviewed literature.
Scientific information isn't just for scientists- it's for everyone!
It just requires a bit of a break down.
[CHEERY INTRO MUSIC]
For this month's De-Natured segment, we're going to look at an article released in May
2018 in the journal Translational Psychiatry.
In this month's Lesson Plan, we talked about the different ways that organisms make more
of themselves.
We also discussed the biggest biological advantage of sexual reproduction, which is increasing
genetic diversity by combining multiple sex cells.
But it turns out that sex cells aren't the only things being passed onto the next generation.
We've long understood that certain individual traits we have come from the DNA inside of
eggs and sperm given to us from our parents.
But what about something...not so great?
What about trauma?
This paper is entitled, "Reduced levels of miRNAs 449 and 34 in /sperm of mice and
men/ exposed to early life stress" and yes, that is also the title of a play I would definitely
pay to see.
Theatre references aside, the title contains some concepts we should dig into.
Particularly, miRNA and what we know about their reduction in levels.
So here's what's already known.
Being exposed to severe stress during childhood can absolutely have negative health effects
later in life.
For example, studies have shown that adults who report having experienced more childhood
trauma are more likely to experience depression and struggle with suicidal thoughts and tendencies.
But here's the thing- the trauma doesn't stop at the adult who experienced it.
Scientists have also noticed that children of parents who experienced trauma as kids
are at a higher risk of developing psychiatric disorders.
So how does this trauma persist across generations?
Several mechanisms have come to light, but the one with the most current scientific support
has to do with small RNA in sperm.
Ribonucleic acid, or RNA, is single-stranded genetic material.
One of its most famous jobs is delivering the genetic code from inside of the cell's
nucleus to a cell's ribosome, where that same code is eventually translated into all
of the proteins we know in life on Earth.
I mean, no big deal guys, just, y'know, making the building blocks of life over here.
And as if that wasn't a big enough job, there are actually all /kinds/ of RNA that
do a ton of different things.
It turns out that sperm cells contain several types of RNA...and because it's sperm we're
talking about, these RNA have the potential to affect the development of the embryo formed
between that sperm and an egg.
Scientists have used mice to figure out ways that trauma can persist across generations,
and two separate studies have concluded that it is specifically microRNA, abbreviated as
miRNA, that might play the largest role.
But mice are mice, and although we have many similarities, the way that stress and microRNAs
are related in mice might be different than in humans.
So, in this brand new paper, scientists investigated how trauma early in life can affect the levels
of microRNA in the sperm of...you guessed it.
Mice /and/ men.
To address this phenomena in humans, the scientists took a sample of adult men and conducted an
observational study.
In this kind of research, the experimenters don't actually change anything that happens
to the subjects- they simply ask them about previous experiences and measure some kind
of response variable at the present time.
In this scenario, they measured their extent of childhood trauma by using something called
the adverse child experiences, or ACE, survey.
This questionnaire has the participating adult answer 10 yes or no questions regarding their
experiences at home until the age of 18.
Half of the questions are about the experiences of the participant themselves, and the other
half have to do with other family members.
This is an observational data set- all of the things already happened, and the scientists
didn't cause any of them to occur in a lab environment.
But, observational studies do still measure some kind of response.
For this study, the men who took the ACE survey also provided a sample of semen, and that
semen was filtered down to mature sperm that provided some data.
Demographic, behavioral, and general sperm characteristics were recorded as response
variables, and then the researchers compared these results to the ACE survey scores that
measured childhood trauma experience.
Of the 28 men included in the study, half scored between 0 and 1 on the ACE survey and
were labeled as the low ACE group.
"Low" in this case means they had experienced a low amount of childhood trauma.
7 men scored between 2 and 4, and the remaining 7 who scored more than 4 were labeled as the
high ACE group, meaning that they had experience a high amount of childhood trauma.
Since this paper is of mice and men, and our ability to ask mice survey questions isn't
/quite/ developed, the researchers exposed the study mice to early life stress by randomly
shuffling the individuals into different enclosures twice a week for 7 weeks.
Nothing life threatening or painful, but still...it definitely sucks to get a new apartment and
roommates every few days, and this level of stress was enough for the researchers to compare
experiment groups.
Since previous work had shown that microRNA could be one of the ways trauma gets passed
on to other generations, the scientists looked at the expression of microRNA in the sperm
from the low ACE group and compared it to the high ACE group.
Out of the hundreds of microRNAs detected in the human sperm samples, the team found
that microRNAs in a specific family called miR-34 and miR-449 had the most significant
differences in expression between the low childhood trauma and high childhood trauma
groups.
This was an interesting find on its own, as these specific families of microRNA have been
shown in some studies to affect things like brain development and mature sperm development,
as well as adult brain stress regulation.
Once they knew to check out the 34 and 449 families of microRNAs, they measured the expression
levels of these microRNAs in all of the study participants.
So what did they find?
For most of the demographic, behavioral, and general sperm characteristics, the team didn't
find clinically significant differences between the low, medium, and high ACE groups.
However, they did find a statistically significant inverse correlation between the levels of
microRNAs 34 and 449 and ACE scores.
Finding an inverse correlation just means that a pattern is found between two variables,
and when one goes up, the other goes down (or vice versa).
So in this situation, it means they found significantly /lower/ levels of the microRNAs
in /higher/ ACE score groups- those were the adult men who had experienced more early life
trauma.
Statistical significance aside, these differences were /really/ noticeable.
In fact, the paper reports that many of the men in the high childhood trauma group had
sperm with microRNA 34 and 449 levels /300-fold lower/ than many of the low childhood trauma
group men.
It's one thing to find a statistically significant difference between two groups, but the scientists
had to make sure that the differences were associated with early age trauma instead of
something else.
Even though data in other studies have shown that microRNA levels in sperm can be affected
by smoking and obesity, this group of researchers /didn't/ find a statistically significant
difference between these microRNA levels of smokers vs non-smokers or high vs low body
mass index scores.
They also didn't find any significant differences between microRNA expression when they looked
at variables like drug and alcohol use, sperm count, and sperm motility.
By ruling out associations with other variables, the researchers were able to conclude that
childhood trauma, as measured by ACE score, is associated with lower levels of certain
sperm microRNAs.
The researchers found the same statistically significant differences in these sperm microRNA
levels in mice when they compared the control group with the group that was exposed to the
roommate shuffling stress we talked about earlier.
Since mice can reproduce and mature much faster than humans, the researchers were able to
do some additional follow-up on the offspring of the stressed male mice.
They found that in mice, microRNA 34c and 449a levels were also reduced in the embryos
resulting from a stressed male mating with a control female.
The amazing thing, though, is what they found next.
Not only did the stressed male parent mate and produce embryos that had those lowered
levels of microRNAs, but the male embryos that grew into adult mice /also/ had sperm
with reduced levels of microRNAs.
That's right- the changes associated with trauma had actually been passed on across
generations.
This paper has received quite a bit of attention in both scientific circles and public media
outlets.
Here are some reasons why I think this study is creating such a buzz.
The world of genetics is currently undergoing major renovations.
Whereas developmental biologists used to pose the question "nature vs nurture", we're
now figuring out that the answer is a hard "nature AND nurture".
There's a wave of epigenetic research happening right now in almost all spheres of science.
Epigenetics refers to inherited changes in gene expression that don't affect the actual
genetic code, and this study is just one of the many exploring this trending topic.
And when it comes to psychiatry, epigenetics isn't a trendy topic just because it's
interesting- it also has major implications for understanding how trauma affects ourselves
and others.
We've discussed in other De-Natured episodes that being first is definitely one way to
make waves in science, and this study is no exception.
One reason the results are getting so much attention is because this is the first time
a research team has identified specific changes in human sperm microRNA levels in association
with early life trauma.
And that association means that the specific microRNA 34 and 449 molecules could eventually
be used in screening individuals for trauma.
This could be a big step forward in clinical situations if a microRNA screening was used
in addition to the ACE questionnaire.
Due to the nature of the questions on the ACE survey, it's possible that some patients
don't respond accurately, or might experience distress while sifting through painful past
experiences.
So, these microRNA markers could be used as a complement to the ACE surveys in clinical
settings, and that could be a big deal for the mental health profession moving forward.
Any observational study runs into problems when it comes to establishing causation.
All we can really accurately speak of is correlation- basically, the fact that two variables were
seen to have a relationship.
My biggest problems with this study have more to do with the sampling design than with the
fact that it's observational, and there are several that jumped out at me.
First of all, the 28 human subjects were voluntary participants, which means it's possible
that we're getting a biased sample.
For all we know, low microRNA 34 levels cause men to love being part of research trials,
so we just got a group of men with a confounding variable we didn't know about.
Additionally, the 28 men were all Caucasian, so we can't apply these results to the human
population as a whole.
And then there's the sample size.
28 semen samples.
The researchers mention that they were aiming for a sample size of 35 in order to have more
statistical power, but they halted recruitment at 28 due to low clinic volume.
When studies have a smaller than optimal sample size, there is always a possibility that the
results they observe are due to chance alone.
Throughout the discussion section, the authors do a great job of recognizing these downfalls
in methodology, and they suggest ways that the study can be expanded and improved in
the future.
Regardless of these methodological improvement points, this study is an amazing example of
a first step toward understanding the physical mechanism underlying the inheritance of trauma.
And figuring out the way our actions can affect those who aren't even born yet is definitely
worth the time and effort it takes to improve on current work.
Thanks for watching this episode of De-Natured here on Nature League.
Nature League is a Complexly production, and if you want to learn more about how trauma
can be inherited, check out this episode from our sister channel, SciShow Psych.
For more infomation >> Sex Cells and Inherited Trauma - Duration: 10:45.-------------------------------------------
الحياة الطيبة ◆ السعادة تبحث عمن يستحقها ◆ الدكتور طارق السويدان - Duration: 22:47.
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Nhạc Không Lời Rumba Hải Ngoại I LK Nhạc Vàng Hải Ngoại I Organ Không Lời - Duration: 1:32:08.
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Merkley: 'We Need The President To Actually Have A Spine' On Immigration Reform | MTP Daily | MSNBC - Duration: 9:40.
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Drake's Father's Day Gift Is Waaaay Better Than Yours | TMZ TV - Duration: 1:49.
ANNOUNCER: NOW THAT FATHER'S DAY
HAS PASSED, DADS EVERYWHERE CAN
LOOK AT THEIR HEARTFELT CARDS
AND PERSONALIZED TIES AND THINK,
WHAT A DISAPPOINTMENT MY KIDS
ARE!
BECAUSE LOOK WHAT DRAKE GOT HIS
DAD DENNIS GRAHAM -- A NEW CAR!
SO HIS DAD GOT A NEW BABY
BLUE BENTLEY.
HARVEY: ARE YOU KIDDING ME?
ANNOUNCER: NO!
CAR PUNS ARE EXHAUSTION.
HA, HA, GET IT!
EXHAUST -- ANYWAY --
ON SUNDAY NIGHT, DRIVER PULLS
UP WITH THIS BEAUTIFUL BENTLEY.
ANNOUNCER: ESTIMATED AT
$150,000.
AND HE SAYS HEY, HERE'S YOUR
FATHER'S DAY GIFT.
AND DENNIS IS JUST LIKE OH, MY
GOD, THIS IS AMAZING.
I LOVE IT, SON, AND I LOVE
YOU.
HARVEY: SO THEY'RE CLOSE THEN?
YEAH, NOW THEY ARE.
HARVEY: I ALWAYS THOUGHT DRAKE
WAS A LITTLE AFRAID OF THINGS
DENNIS MIGHT SAY.
ANNOUNCER: LIKE WHAT?
I JUST WANT TO HAVE SOMEBODY
ELSE HAVE MY PENIS HANG OUT.
ANNOUNCER: OK, WELL, HE DOES
LIKE TO HAVE FUN AT THE CLUB.
BUT WHEN IT COMES TO DRAKE, HE'S
SUPER LOYAL.
LIKE WITH THE WHOLE -- DRAKE HAS
AN ALLEGED BABY THING.
I DON'T KNOW NOTHING ABOUT NO
DAMN BRAT.
ANNOUNCER: SEE, SILENCE IS
GOLDEN.
OR IN THIS CASE, BABY BLUE!
HE KNOWS HIS SON WOULDN'T
WANT HIM TALKING ABOUT THAT.
DID DRAKE GET A FATHER'S DAY
GIFT?
[LAUGHTER]
HE GOT AN INVOICE.
ANNOUNCER: AND A MUG.
SO CONGRATS ON THE NEW WHIP,
DENNIS.
LOOKING GOOD.
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Jim Jones Arrested for Drug, Firearm Possession - Duration: 1:02.
For Complex News, I'm Pierce Simpson // Harlem bred rapper Jim Jones is facing a variety
of charges after being arrested early Thursday in Georgia.
Jones was the backseat passenger in a car that led Georgia police on a brief chase that
resulted in the driver of the car striking a deputy vehicle.
After searching the car, Cowetta County police discovered two loaded pistols - one of which
was stolen - marijuana, oxycodone, Percocet, vape cartridges, THC oil, and cash.
Jones was quoted as saying thet money was "just petty cash".
As for his statement of the incident, Jones told officers that he told the driver to pull
over but was quoted as describing the driver as being "incoherent".
Jones also informed officers that the Oxy and percocet pills were prescriptions.
All of the passengers in the car was arrested after no one claimed any of the paraphernalia
in the car... Jones has been charged with possession of the stolen gun, possession of
a firearm during commission of a crime and possession of narcotics ... which are all
felonies.
He also got a misdemeanor for the prescription pills not being in their original container.
Jones' bail was set for $7,000.
For the latest in the story, be sure to stay locked to Complex News by subscribing to us
on YouTube.
For Complex News, I'm Pierce Simpson
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Cheat Codes x Little Mix - Only You (Lyrics) - Duration: 3:10.
JADE DID THAT OMG
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Congress Makes Move on Barack Obama – It's Finally Happening! - Duration: 10:31.
Congress Makes Move on Barack Obama – It's Finally Happening!
Barack Obama got some bad news on Tuesday when a fed-up senator finally confronted Facebook
CEO Mark Zuckerberg about the former president's campaign using the social media site to steal
users' data.
The Daily Caller reported that though most lawmakers asked Zuckerberg about Facebook
allowing Cambridge Analytica, a data company that worked for Donald Trump's campaign
in 2016, to harvest user data from his platform, little was made of the fact that Obama did
the same thing.
It was Republican North Carolina Sen. Thom Tillis who chose to bring this up directly
to Zuckerberg.
"I think that we need to fully examine what Cambridge Analytica did," Tillis said, going
on to note a number of articles cataloging the Obama campaign for doing the same.
"Somebody asked you earlier if it made you mad about what Cambridge Analytica did,"
Tillis said, adding that Zuckerberg should be "equally mad" about the Obama campaign.
"When you do your research on Cambridge Analytica, I would appreciate it if you would
start back from the first high-profile national campaign that exploited Facebook data,"
the senator said.
Facebook has yet to comment on the Obama campaign harvesting data, and Tillis called on Zuckerberg
to fire the staffers who allowed the former president to do this.
"I also believe that that person who may have looked the other way when the whole social
graph was extracted for the Obama campaign, if they are still working for you, they probably
should not.
At least there should be a business code of conduct that says that you do not play favorites.
You are trying to create a fair place for people to share ideas," Tillis said.
It has since been confirmed that numerous former campaign staffers for Obama and Hillary
Clinton hold high-up positions at Facebook, which is likely why the company has not commented
on what Obama did yet.
What do you think about this?
Let us know your thoughts
in
the comments section.
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BIG DEMOCRAT GIVES PENCE MIDDLE FINGER – IMMEDIATELY REALIZES HE'S MADE A BIG MISTAKE! - Duration: 10:50.
BIG DEMOCRAT GIVES PENCE MIDDLE FINGER – IMMEDIATELY REALIZES HE'S MADE A BIG MISTAKE!
Democrat Representative Brian Sims took to Twitter this week to post a nasty message
to Vice President Mike Pence that shows just how classless the liberal lawmaker really
is.
Now, this has come back to bite Sims in a huge way.
Right Wing News reported that after learning that Pence would be visiting Philadelphia,
Sims posted a photo of himself giving the Vice President the middle finger along with
the caption, "OFFICIAL WELCOME: Mike Pence let me be the first to officially welcome
you to the City of Brotherly Love and to my District!
We're a City of soaring diversity.
We believe in the power of all people: Black, Brown, Queer, Trans, Atheist, & Immigrant.
So…get bent, then get out!"
Way to keep it classy, Brian!
Once again, we have a grown Democrat lawmaker acting like a pathetic child in his quest
to degrade members of the Trump administration at all costs.
Unfortunately for Sims, he quickly learned he had made a big mistake when Twitter users
let him know that he went too far
-------------------------------------------
Eva Longoria Gives Birth To First Child And You'll Fall In Love With His Sweet Name - Duration: 2:43.
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Exclusiva: Mayeli Alonso confiesa que en un día se le acabó el amor por Lupillo Rivera | GYF - Duration: 2:24.
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Charles Krauthammer – AEI Annual Dinner 2004 | ARCHIVES - Duration: 1:11:12.
Announcer: Ladies and gentlemen, the Vice President of the United States and Mrs. Cheney.
Announcer: Ladies and gentlemen, Christopher Demuth, President of the American Enterprise Institute,
and Charles Krauthammer, 2004 Irving Kristol Award recipient.
Chris DeMuth: Ladies and gentlemen, we will begin by singing America the "My Country,
'Tis of Thee, God Save the Queen" version.
I know that everyone present knows the word by heart, but for those who would like a refresher,
the words are printed in the middle of your program.
We will be led by my AEI colleagues, Alexandra Obraskan [SP], Osea Dosova, and Heather Dresser,
please.
My country, 'tis of thee, Sweet land of liberty,
Of thee I sing; Land where my fathers died,
Land of the pilgrims' pride, From ev'ry mountainside
Let freedom ring!
Our fathers' God to Thee, Author of liberty,
To Thee we sing.
Long may our land be bright, With freedom's holy light,
Protect us by Thy might, Great God our King.
Chris DeMuth: Thank you very much.
Ladies and gentlemen, please be seated.
Vice President and Mrs. Cheney, colleagues and distinguished guests, welcome to the annual
dinner of the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research.This is our largest
annual gathering since Ronald Reagan gave his final major address in Washington in December
of 1988.
I'm deeply grateful to our many, generous sponsors, especially our friends, advisor
and members of our dinner committee.
George Shultz was once asked, "What is the most important qualification for a senior
position in government?"
He replied, "A high tolerance for ambiguity."
Presidents and Cabinet Secretaries only get to make hard calls, the easy calls are made
by others.
Many decisions have good arguments on both sides, but the really hard ones are those
that combine very large stakes with very large uncertainties.
They call for intelligence of the larger and more profound kind, and a determination not
to lose a kingdom for a shoe.
If we were to form a commission of inquiry into every important Oval Office decision
made without the luxury of waiting for more and better information, there would be no
more worries about job creation in the service sector.
And in a fractious democracy such as ours, the hard decisions are endlessly contested,
in public debate, in competition among the three branches of government, and even within
the Executive Branch itself.
For us, the biggest decisions are not executive calls at all, but rather a process of continuous
advocacy, compromise, and adaptation.
During the past 29 months, America and the Free World have entered a new political epoch,
whose defining features are, precisely, terribly large risks and terribly large uncertainties,
especially concerning the operations of our enemies.
Our political leaders have made a series of momentous decisions and have done so with
great resolution.
Their resolution is all the more impressive when one considers that the deficiencies of
information, and of government institutions designed for an earlier era, are better known
to them than to anyone else.
Now their decisions and their resolution are being tested in the cauldron of democratic
politics.
Tolerance for ambiguity is not a predominant feature of partisan campaigning.
But elections themselves have clarified and fortified our foreign policies to an impressive
degree in the past.
In the Cold War, from the Truman Doctrine to the Reagan Doctrine, our enemies were demonstrating
their WMDs out in the open, bragging about how they would use them against us, routinely
invading and subjugating other nations, and slaughtering civilians by the millions.
Still, fashioning and sustaining a political consensus was very hard, and contested from
start to finish.
Many Americans sincerely believed, and argued vehemently, that the root of the world's problems
was America itself.
But we prevailed.
And we prevailed not in spite of, but because of the vigor of our democratic practices and
the sturdiness of popular understanding.
Can we do it again, in circumstances more shrouded and insidious?
Today, despite stupendous initial victories, we are in the midst of strenuous and necessary
debates over military and political strategy, the effectiveness of our intelligence and
diplomatic institutions, and the maintenance of fiscal discipline and personal and economic
freedom at home.
But if we stand at the beginning of another 50-year epoch, a "generational commitment"
as Condoleezza Rice puts it, then we are still just getting started, still at the moment
of creation of new policies and new institutions for facing the tasks and perils ahead.
That the two men who are speaking to us this evening have been present at the creation
is another great stroke of American fortune.
One, the recipient of AEI's Irving Kristol Award for 2004, is a man of thinking and writing.
The other, a former AEI senior fellow and vice chairman of our Board, now Vice President
of the United States, is a man of thinking and action.
Charles Krauthammer, his great contribution has been to see through fogs of uncertainty
in times of upheaval.
He has grasped the essentials of new problems while others remained confused by incidentals.
More than once, he has provided us with an intellectual architecture that shows that
what we already know provides a sturdy foundation for action.
Charles is also an avid amateur chess player.
He is a founding member, along with AEI's Charles Murray, of one of Washington's most
exclusive secret societies, the Pariah Chess Club.
His Irving Kristol Award consists of this exquisite John Jack's Stan and Chess set and
hand-crafted board.
Our media, which can take the silliest people and ideas seriously, often find truly serious
men and women a bafflement.
It is very funny to read the latest line on Dick Cheney, that this open and engaging man,
who has expressed himself on every manner of policy question in 30 years at the center
of American politics, who has been Minority Whip of the House of Representatives, who
has served in the senior ranks of four administrations, who has become the activist Vice President
par excellence, is just now emerging from obscurity, getting around town, attending
coming-out parties, and plunging into the thick of public debate.
At AEI, we admire people who think before they speak, who choose their words carefully,
and who understand when the time for research is over and the time for decision has arrived.
We are very honored that the vice president would continue to attend our councils while
on extended leave-of-absence through 2009 or 2017.
Tonight he has graciously agreed to introduce our Irving Kristol Lecturer.
Ladies and gentlemen, the Vice President of the United States.
Vice President Cheney: Thank you.
Thank you all very much.
Thank you, Chris.
And it's a pleasure tonight to join all of you in honoring Charles Krauthammer, a man
I admire very much, and am proud to call a friend.
The Irving Kristol Award is named for one great American, and tonight we bestow it on
another.
Lynne and I are pleased, as well, to be in the company of so many other friends and colleagues,
starting with Chris DeMuth, who does an absolutely superb job as President of AEI.
Being here brings to mind my own days affiliated with AEI, which stretch back some 30 years,
as an office holder, a freshman congressman, an out-of-work politician, a member of the
Board of Trustees, and a corporate official, who didn't appreciate how valuable the experience
was till I was asked to contribute financially for the privilege of being part of it.
But it has been a very, very important part of our lives, for me and for Lynne, and a
very important part of our intellectual learning and development during our years in Washington.
I spent a time at AEI when I was a scholar, a time when I had an office, a small staff,
and not much in the way of actual responsibility.
It turned out to be a lot like the vice presidency.
Lynne and I are truly grateful for our many years of association with the American Enterprise
Institute.
AEI has developed a reputation, well-deserved, for disciplined scholarship, intellectual
integrity, and fresh insight into public policy.
And AEI continues to earn that reputation every year with research and writing of high
standards and ever-increasing influence.
Few at AEI are more influential than the chairman of our Board of Academic Advisers, Professor
James Q. Wilson, who, last July, received the Medal of Freedom from President Bush.
I've known Jim for a number of years, I've respected his work ever since I was a graduate
student, in the days when Lynne and I were both working on our PhDs.
Lynne actually went on to earn her PhD in British literature.
I haven't quite settled on a topic for my dissertation yet.
For me, an expected career in academic life was overtaken by a series of opportunities
in government.
And so, I have spent much of the last three-and-a-half decades in and around this city.
Here, where our national debates are centered, you get used to the shifting attention and
the passing enthusiasms that characterize so much of our political commentary.
You learn to take it all in, and then to select out the well-considered judgments of a serious
thinker.
You begin to listen through the chorus in search of that one clear note.
And so often, that clear note is the commentary of Charles Krauthammer.
This most respected of writers is also a distinguished medical doctor who spent years in practice
as a noted psychiatrist.
He first came to Washington in the 1970s, and soon found himself working at the White
House for one of my predecessors.
I now wish I had paid more attention at the time to the speeches of Walter Mondale, because
I'm sure they were absolutely first rate.
By the early 1980s, Charles's talent had been recognized by editors and by readers in Washington
and well beyond.
And the most impressive aspect of his work is the sustained level of quality over a period
of more than 20 years.
This is not a columnist who merely fills space and meets deadlines.
Charles Krauthammer always writes with care.
In his columns and essays, there is always a powerful line of reasoning, and behind it
the workings of a superior intellect.
When you read his words, you know you are dealing with a serious person, who assumes
the same of you.
You see something else, as well, in a Krauthammer column.
Whatever the subject at hand, Charles gives the reader evidence and argument, never just
sentiment and the conventional wisdom.
His great intelligence is guided by principle and an understanding of the world as it is.
These qualities produce special insights into the very areas where we need them most, from
the new powers mankind has assumed in science, to the new dangers confronting America and
other free nations.
A consistent theme in Charles's writings is his belief in human freedom, and his abhorrence
for violence and tyranny.
Since September 11th, Charles has written compellingly on the urgent duty of free nations
to defeat the terrorists, and hold to account any regime that supports or arms them.
This war on terror has in many ways brought out the finest qualities of the American people.
And the complexities of this era have certainly brought out the finest attributes of this
writer, his wisdom, his deep moral sensibility, and his conviction that freedom is the right
of all mankind and must be defended.
The citation for the Irving Kristol Award for 2004 reads as follows:
To Charles Krauthammer:
Fearless journalist, wise analyst, and militant democrat, who has shown that America's interests
and ideals are indivisible, and that the promotion of freedom is hard-headed realism.
I'm very pleased that Charles's wife, Robyn, and their son, Daniel, are here to witness
the presentation of this award, and to see the respect and affection we all feel for
its recipient.
It is my privilege to introduce the great man we honor tonight, Dr. Charles Krauthammer.
Dr. Krauthammer: Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Vice President.
Thank you, Mr. Vice President.
Thank you, Mr. Vice President.
Thank you, Mr. Vice President.
Thank you for those very kind words.
I'm honored by your presence here, especially during duck hunting season.
And as a citizen, I wanna thank you not only for your leadership and your wisdom during
these extraordinary times, but for your courage.
If Hamlet had borne half the slings and arrows you have, it would have been a very short
play.
Seeing my checker past recalled in the program, I'm struck by how many places I have fled,
the democratic party, Canada and psychiatry, the trifecta.
The reason I'm here ladies and gentlemen, is that I have nowhere left to go.
I wanna thank Chris DeMuth, Jim Wilson and the AEI Counsel for thinking otherwise and
for bestowing upon me this great honor, particularly one that carries the name of my dear and revered
friend, Irving Kristol.
My subject tonight, is "American Foreign Policy."
Americans have healthy aversion to foreign policy.
It stems from a sense of thrift.
Who needs it?
We're protected by two great oceans.
We have this continent practically to ourselves.
And we share it with only two neighbors, both friendly, one so friendly that its people
seem intent upon moving in with us.
It took three giants of the 20th Century to drag us into its great battles, Wilson into
World War I, Roosevelt into World War II, Truman into the Cold War.
And then it ended with one of the great anticlimaxes in history.
Without a shot fired, without a revolution, without so much as a press release, the Soviet
Union simply gave up and disappeared.
It was the end of everything, the end of communism, of socialism, of the Cold War, of the European
wars.
It was the end of e Russian Empire, an empire was grooved by swallowing the equivalent of
a Belgium every year for 200 years.
Given how Brussels has behaved recently, overall, not a bud idea.
But the end of everything was also a beginning.
On December 26, 1991, the Soviet Union died and something new was born, something utterly
new, a unipolar world dominated by a single superpower unchecked by any rival and with
decisive reach in every corner of the globe.This is a staggering new development in human history,
not seen since the fall of Rome.
It is so new, so strange, that we have no idea how to deal with it.
Our first reaction, the 1990s, was utter confusion.
The next reaction was awe.
When Paul Kennedy, who had once popularized the idea of American decline, saw what America
did in the Afghan war, a display of fully mobilized, furiously concentrated unipolar
power at a distance of 8,000 miles.
He not only recanted, he stood in wonder, "Nothing has ever existed like this disparity
of power," he wrote, "Nothing.
No other nation comes close.
Charlemagne's empire was merely western European in its reach.
The Roman empire stretched farther afield, but there was another great empire in Persia,
and a larger one in China.
There is, therefore, no comparison."
Even Rome is no model for what America is today.
First, because we do not have the imperial culture of Rome.
We are an Athenian republic, even more republican and infinitely more democratic than Athens.
And this American Republic has acquired the largest seeming empire in the history of the
world, acquired it in a fit of absent-mindedness greater even than Britain's.
And it was not just absent-mindedness, it was sheer inadvertence.
We got here because of Europe's suicide in the world wars of the 20th century, and then
the death of its Eurasian successor, Soviet Russia, for having adopted a political and
economic system so inhuman that, like a genetically defective organism, it simply expired in its
sleep, leaving us with global dominion.
Second, we are unlike Rome, unlike Britain and France and Spain and the other classical
empires of modern times, in that we do not hunger for territory.
The use of the word "empire" in the American context is ridiculous.
It is absurd to apply the word to a people whose first instincts upon arriving on anyone's
soil is to demand an exit strategy.
I can assure you that when the Romans went into Gaul and the British into India, they
were not looking for exit strategies.
They were looking for entry strategies.
In David Lean's Lawrence of Arabia, King Faisal says to Lawrence, "I think you are another
of these desert-loving English.
The English have a great hunger for desolate places."
Indeed, for five centuries, the Europeans did hunger for deserts and jungles and oceans
and new continents.
Americans do not.
We like it here.
We like our McDonald's.
We like our football.
We like our rock-and-roll.
And until 10 days ago, we liked our half-time shows.
We've got the Grand Canyon and Graceland.
We've got Silicon Valley and South Beach.
We've got everything.
And if that's not enough, we've got the Vegas, which is a facsimile of everything.
What could we possibly need anywhere else?
We don't like exotic climates.
We don't like exotic languages.
All those declensions and moods, we don't even know what a mood is.
We like Iowa corn and New York hot dogs, and if we want Chinese, or Indian, or Italian,
we go to the food court.
We don't send the Marines for takeout.
That's because we are not an imperial power.
We are a commercial republic.
We don't take food, we trade for it, which makes us something unique in history, an anomaly,
a hybrid, a commercial republic with overwhelming global power.
A commercial republic that, by pure accident of history, has been designated custodian
of the international system.
The eyes of every supplicant from East Timor to Afghanistan, from Iraq to Liberia, Arab
and Israeli, Irish and British, North and South Korean are upon us.
That is who we are.
That is where we are.
And now the question is: What do we do?
What is a unipolar power to do?
The oldest and most venerable answer is to hoard that power and retreat.
This is known as isolationism.
Of all the foreign policy schools in America, it has the oldest pedigree, not surprising
in the country protected by two great oceans.
Isolationism originally sprang from a view of America as spiritually superior to the
old world.
We were too good to be corrupted by its low intrigues, entangled by its cynical alliances.
Today, however, isolationism is an ideology of fear.
Fear of trade.
Fear of immigrants.
Fear of the Other.
Isolationists want to cut off trade and immigration, and withdraw from our military and strategic
commitments around the world.
Even isolationists, of course, did not oppose the war in Afghanistan, because it was so
obviously an act of self-defense, only a fool or a knave or a Susan Sontag could oppose
that.
But anything beyond that, isolationists oppose.
They are for a radical retrenchment of American power for pulling up the drawbridge to Fortress
America.
Isolationism is an important school of thought historically, but not today.
Not just because of its brutal intellectual reductionism, but because it is so obviously
inappropriate to the world of today, a world of export-driven economies, of massive population
flows, and of 9/11, the definitive demonstration that the combination of modern technology
and transnational primitivism has erased the barrier between "over there" and "over here."
Classical isolationism is not just intellectually obsolete, it is politically bankrupt as well.
Four years ago, its most public advocate, Pat Buchanan, ran for president of the United
States, and carried Palm Beach, by accident.
Classic isolationism is moribund.
Who then rules America?
In the 1990s, it was liberal internationalism.
Liberal internationalism is the foreign policy of the Democratic Party and the religion of
the foreign policy elite.
It has a peculiar history.
It traces its pedigree to Woodrow Wilson's utopianism, Harry Truman's anticommunism,
and John Kennedy's militant universalism.
But after the Vietnam War, it was transmuted into an ideology of passivity, acquiescence
and almost reflexive anti-interventionism.
Liberals today proudly take credit for Truman's and Kennedy's role in containing communism,
but what they prefer to forget is that, for the last half of the Cold War, liberals used
"cold warrior" as an epithet.
In the early 1980s, they gave us the freeze movement, a form of unilateral disarmament
in the face of Soviet nuclear advances.
Today, John Kerry boasts of opposing, during the 1980s, what he calls Ronald Reagan's "illegal
war in Central America."
And oppose he did what was, in fact, an indigenous anticommunist rebellion that ultimately succeeded
in bringing down Sandinista rule and ushering in democracy in all of Central America.
That boast reminds us how militant was liberal passivity in the last half of the Cold War.
But that passivity outlived the Cold War.
When Kuwait was invaded and the question was, "Should the United States go to war to prevent
the Persian Gulf from falling into hostile hands?"
The Democratic Party joined the Buchananite isolationists in saying no.
The Democrats voted No overwhelmingly, two to one in the House, more than four to one
in the Senate.
And yet, quite astonishingly, when liberal internationalism came to power just two years
later in the form of the Clinton administration, it turned almost hyper-interventionist.
It involved us four times in military action: deepening intervention in Somalia, invading
Haiti, bombing Bosnia, and finally going to war over Kosovo.
How do you explain the amazing transmutation of Cold War and Gulf War doves into Haiti
and Balkan hawks?
The crucial and obvious difference is this, Haiti, Bosnia and Kosovo were humanitarian
ventures, fights for right and good, devoid of raw national interest.
And not only humanitarian intervention, disinterested interventionism devoid of national interest
is morally pristine enough to justify the use of force.
The history of the '90s refutes the lazy notion that liberals have an aversion to the use
of force.
They do not.
They have an aversion to using force for reasons of pure national interest.
And by national interest, I do not mean simple self-defense.
Everyone believes in self-defense, as in Afghanistan.
I'm talking about national interest as defined by a great power, shaping the international
environment by projecting power abroad to secure economic, political, and strategic
goods.
Intervening militarily for that kind of national interest, liberal internationalism finds unholy
and unsupportable.
It sees that kind of national interest as merely self-interest writ large, in effect,
a form of grand national selfishness.
Hence Kuwait, no.
Kosovo, yes.
The other defining feature of the Clinton foreign policy was multilateralism, which
expressed itself in a mania for treaties.
The Clinton administration negotiated a dizzying succession of parchment promises on bioweapons,
chemical weapons, nuclear testing, carbon emissions, antiballistic missiles, etc.
Why?
No sentient being could believe that, say, the chemical or biological weapons treaties
were anything more than transparently useless.
Senator Joe Biden once defended the Chemical Weapons Convention, which even its proponents
admitted was unenforceable, on the grounds that it would "provide us with a valuable
tool", the "moral suasion of the entire international community."
Moral suasion?
The whole point of this treaty was to keep rogue states from developing chemical weapons.
Rogue states are, by definition, impervious to moral suasion.
Was it moral suasion that made Qaddafi see the wisdom of giving up his weapons of mass
destruction?
Or Iran agree for the first time to spot nuclear inspections?
It was the suasion of the bayonet.
It was the ignominious fall of Saddam and the desire of interested spectators not to
be next on the list.
Moral suasion is a farce.
Why then this obsession with protocols, legalisms UN resolutions?
Its obvious net effect and after all is to temper American power and reduce American
freedom of action by making it dependent on constricted by serving into the will and interest
of other nations.
But that, you see, is the whole point of the multilateral enterprise, to tie down Gulliver
with a thousand strings, to domesticate the most undomesticated, most outsized, national
interest on the planet, ours.
Who, after all, was really going to be most constrained by these treaties?
North Korea?
Today, multilateralism remains the overriding theme of liberal internationalism.
When in power in the '90s, multilateralism expressed itself as a mania for treaties.
When out of power in this decade, it manifests itself in the slavish pursuit of "international
legitimacy," and opposition to any American action undertaken without universal foreign
blessing, which is why the Democratic critique of the war in Iraq is so peculiarly one of
process and not of policy.
The problem was that we did not have the permission of the UN.
We did not have a large enough coalition; we did not have a second Security Council
resolution.
Kofi Annan was unhappy and the French were cross.
The Democratic presidential candidates all say we should have internationalized the conflict,
brought in the UN, enlisted the allies, for two reasons, they say, assistance and legitimacy.
First, they say, we could have used these other countries to help us in the reconstruction.
This is rich.
Everyone would like to have more help in reconstruction.
It would have been lovely to have the Germans and the French in Baghdad.
So Germans the ca'do the policing, the French ca'do the catering.
But the question is moot, and the argument is cynical.
France and Germany made it absolutely clear that they would never support the overthrow
of Saddam.
So, accommodating them was not a way to get them into the reconstruction, it was a way
to ensure that there would never be any reconstruction, because Saddam would still be in power.
Of course, it would be nice if we had more allies rather than less.
It would also be nice to be able to fly.
But when some nations are not with you on your enterprise, including them in your coalition
is not a way to broaden it, it's a way to abolish it.
At which point, liberal internationalists switch gears and appeal to legitimacy?
On the grounds that multilateral action has a higher moral standing.
I have always found that line of argument utterly incomprehensible.
By what possible moral calculus does U.S. intervention to liberate 25 million people
forfeit moral legitimacy because it lacks the blessing of the butchers of Tiananmen
Square or the cynics of the Quai d'Orsay?
Which is why it is hard to take these arguments at face value.
Look, we know why liberal internationalists demanded UN sanction for the war in Iraq.
It was a way to stop the war.
It was the Gulliver effect.
Call a committee meeting of countries with hostile or contrary interests, i.e., the Security
Council, and you have guaranteed yourself another 12 years of inaction.
Historically, multilateralism is a way for weak countries to multiply their power by
attaching themselves to stronger ones.
But multilateralism imposed on great powers, particularly on a unipolar power, is intended
to restrain that power, which is precisely why France is an ardent multilateralist.
But why should America be?
Why, in the end, does liberal internationalism want to tie down Gulliver, to blunt the pursuit
of American national interests by making it subordinate to a myriad of other interests?
In the immediate post-Vietnam era, this aversion to national interest might have been attributed
to self-doubt and self-loathing.
I don't know.
I leave that question to a trained psychiatrist.
What I do know is that today it is a mistake to see liberal foreign policy as deriving
from anti-Americanism or lack of patriotism or a late efflorescence of '60s radicalism.
On the contrary, the liberal aversion to national interest stems from an idealism, a larger
vision of country, a vision of some ambition and nobility, the vision of a true international
community.
And that is, to transmute the international system from the Hobbesian universe into a
Lockean universe, to turn the state of nature into a norm-driven community, to turn the
law of the jungle into the rule of law of treaties and contracts and UN resolutions.
In short, to remake the international system in the image of domestic society.
And to create such a true international community, you have to temper, transcend, and, in the
end, abolish the very idea of state power and national interest.
Hence the antipathy to American hegemony and American power.
If you are going to break the international arena to the mold of domestic society, you
have to domesticate its single most powerful actor.
You have to abolish American dominance, not only as an affront to fairness, but also as
the greatest obstacle on the whole planet to a democratized international system where
all live under self-governing international institutions and self-reenforcing international
norms.
This vision is all very nice, all very noble, and all very crazy.
And it brings us to the third great foreign policy school, realism.
The realist looks at this great liberal project and sees a hopeless illusion.
Because turning the Hobbesian world that has existed since long before the Peloponnesian
Wars into a Lockean world, turning a jungle into a subdivision of the suburb, requires
a revolution in human nature.
Not just an set of new institutions, but a revolution in human nature.
And realists do not believe in revolutions of human nature, much less stake their future,
and the future of their countries upon them.
Realism recognizes the fundamental fallacy in the whole idea of the international system
being modeled on domestic society.
First, what holds domestic society together is a supreme central authority wielding a
monopoly of power and enforcing norms.
In the international arena, there is no such thing.
Domestic society may look like a place of self-regulating norms, but if somebody breaks
into your house, you call 911, and the police arrive with guns drawn.
That's not exactly self-enforcement.
That's law enforcement.
Second, domestic society rests on the shared goodwill, civility and common values of its
individual members.
What values are shared by, say, Britain, Cuba, Yemen and Zimbabwe-all nominal members of
this fiction we call the "international community?"
Of course, you can have smaller communities of shared interests-NAFTA, ANZUS, the European
Union.
But the European conceit that relations with all nations, regardless of ideology, regardless
of culture, regardless even of open hostility, should be transacted on the EU model of suasion,
and norms, and negotiations, and solemn contractual agreements is an illusion.
A fisheries treaty with Canada is something real.
An agreed framework on plutonium processing with the likes of North Korea is not worth
the paper it is written on.
The realist believes in the definition of peace offered in "The Devil's Dictionary"
by Ambrose Bierce, "Peace, noun.
In international affairs, a period of cheating between two periods of fighting."
Hence, the realist axiom, the international community is a fiction.
It is not a community, it is a cacophony of straining ambitions, disparate values and
contending power.
What does hold the international system together?
What keeps it from degenerating into total anarchy?
Not the phony security of treaties, not the best of goodwill among the nicer nations.
In the unipolar world we inhabit, what stability we do enjoy today is owed to the overwhelming
power and deterrent threat of the United States.
If someone invades your house, you call the cops.
Who do you dial if someone invades your country?
You dial Washington.
In the unipolar world, the closest thing to a centralized authority, to an enforcer of
norms, is America, American power.
And ironically, American power is precisely what liberal internationalism wants to constrain
and tie down and subsume in pursuit of some brave new Lockean world.
Realists don't live just in America.
I found one in Finland.
During the 1997 negotiations in Oslo over the land mine treaty, one of the rare holdouts,
interestingly enough, was Finland.
The Finnish Prime Minister stoutly opposed the land mine ban.
And for that he was scolded by his Scandinavian neighbors.
To which he responded tartly that this was a very convenient pose for the other Nordic
countries, after all, Finland is their land mine.
That one usually takes about five seconds.
It helps to have a map.
Finland is the land mine between Russia and Scandinavia.
America is the land mine between barbarism and civilization.
Where would South Korea be without America and its land mines along the DMZ?
Where would Europe, with its cozy arrogant community be without America having saved
it from the Soviet colossus?
Where would the Middle East be had American power not stopped the Saddam in 1991?
The land mine that protects civilization from barbarism is not parchment but power, and
in a unipolar world, American power, wielded, if necessary, unilaterally, and if necessary,
preemptively.
Now, those uneasy with American power have made these two means of wielding it, preemption
and unilateralism, the focus of unrelenting criticism.
The doctrine of preemption, in particular, has been widely attacked for violating international
norms.
What international norm?
The one under which in 1981, Israel was universally condemned, even the Reagan administration
joined in the condemnation at the Security Council, for preemptively destroying Osirak
reactor.
Does anyone today doubt that it was the right thing to do, both strategically and morally?
In a world of terrorists, terrorist states and weapons of mass destruction, the option
of preemption is especially necessary.
In the bipolar world of the Cold War, with a stable non-suicidal adversary, deterrence
could work.
Deterrence does not work against people who ache for heaven.
It does not work against undeterrables.
And it does not work against undetectables.
Non-suicidal enemy regimes that might attack through clandestine means, a suitcase nuke
or anonymously delivered anthrax.
Against both undeterrables and undetectables, preemption is the only possible strategy.
If anything, the doctrine of preemption against openly hostile states pursuing weapons of
mass destruction is an improvement on classical deterrence.
Traditionally, we deterred the use of weapons of mass destruction by the threat of retaliation
after we'd been attacked, and that's too late.
The point of preemption is to deter the very acquisition of weapons of mass destruction
in the first place.
Whether or not Iraq had large stockpiles of weapons of mass destruction, the very fact
that the United States overthrew a hostile regime that had repeatedly refused to come
clean on its weapons has had precisely this deterrent effect.
We are safer today not just because Saddam is gone, but because Libya and Iran and others
contemplating, tracking with Weapons of Mass Destruction, have, for the first time, seen
that it carries a cost, a very high cost.
Yes, of course, imperfect intelligence makes preemption problematic.
But that is not an objection on principle, it is an objection in practice.
Indeed, the objection concedes the principle.
We need good intelligence.
But we remain defenseless if we abjure the option of preemption.
The other great objection to the way American unipolar power has been wielded is its unilateralism.
I would dispute how unilateralist we have been, not nearly enough for my taste, but
no matter.
Look, of course, one acts in concert with others if possible.
It is nice when others join us in the breach.
No one seeks to be unilateral.
Unilateralism simply means that one does not allow oneself to be held hostage to the will
of others.
Irving Kristol once explained that he preferred the Organization of American States to the
UN.
In the OAS, you see, we can be voted down in only three languages, thereby saving interpreters'
fees.
Of course, you build coalitions when possible.
We garnered a coalition of the willing for Iraq which included substantial allies like
Britain, Australia, Spain, Italy and much of Eastern Europe.
France and Germany made clear from the beginning that they would never join in the overthrow
of Saddam.
Therefore the choice was not a wide coalition versus a narrow one, but a narrow coalition
versus none.
There were serious arguments against the war in Iraq, but the fact that France did not
approve was not one of them.
Realists choose not to be Gulliver.
In an international system with no sovereign, no police, no protection, where power is the
ultimate arbiter and history has bequeathed us unprecedented power, we should preserve
that power and our freedom of action to use it.
But here we come up against the limits of realism.
You cannot live by power alone.
Realism is an antidote to the woolly internationalism of the 90s, but realism can only take you
so far.
Its basic problem lies in its definition of national interest as classically offered by
its great theorist, Hans Morgenthau, interest defined as power.
Morgenthau postulated that what drives nations, what drives the foreign policy, is the will
to power, to keep it and expand it.
For most Americans, will to power might be a correct description of the world of what
motivates other countries, but it cannot be a prescription for America.
It cannot be our purpose.
America cannot and will not live by realpolitik alone.
Our foreign policy must be driven by something beyond power.
And unless conservatives present ideals to challenge the liberal ideal of an international
community, they will lose the debate, which is why among American conservatives, another
more idealistic school has arisen that sees America's national interest as an expression
of its values.
It is this fourth school that has guided foreign policy in this decade.
This conservative alternative to realism is often lazily and invidiously called neoconservatism,
but that is a very odd name for a school whose major proponents in the world today are George
W. Bush and Tony Blair.
If they are neoconservatives, then I'm a liberal.
There's nothing neo about Bush, and there's nothing con about Blair.
Yet they are the principal proponents today of what might be called democratic globalism,
a foreign policy that defines the national interest not as power but as values, and that
identifies one supreme value, what John Kennedy called "the success of liberty."
As President Bush put it in his speech at Whitehall last November, "The United States
and Great Britain share a mission in the world beyond the balance of power or the simple
pursuit of interest.
We seek the advance of freedom and the peace that freedom brings."
Beyond power, beyond interest, beyond interest defined as power.
This is the credo of democratic globalism, which explains its political appeal.
America is a nation uniquely built not on blood, or race, but on a proposition, to which
its sacred honor has been pledged for 200 years.
This American exceptionalism explains why non-Americans find this foreign policy so
difficult to credit, why Blair has had more difficulty garnering support for it in his
country, and why Europe, in particular, finds this kind of value-driven foreign policy hopelessly
and irritatingly moralistic.
Democratic globalism sees as the engine of history not the will to power but the will
to freedom.
And while it has been attacked as a dreamy, idealistic innovation, its inspiration comes
from the Truman Doctrine of 1947, the Kennedy inaugural of 1960, and Reagan's evil empire
speech of 1983.
They all sought to recast a struggle for power between two geopolitical titans into a struggle
between freedom and unfreedom, and, yes, good and evil.
Which is why the Truman Doctrine was heavily attacked by realists like Hans Morgenthau
and George Kennan, and Reagan attacked by the entire foreign policy establishment for
the sin of ideologizing the Cold War by injecting a moral overlay.
That was then.
Today, post-9/11, we find ourselves in a similar existential struggle but with a different
enemy, not Soviet communism, but Arab-Islamic totalitarianism, both secular and religious.
Bush and Blair are similarly attacked for naively and crudely casting this struggle
as one of freedom versus unfreedom, good versus evil.
Now, given the way not just freedom but human decency were suppressed in both Afghanistan
and Iraq, the two major wars of this new war, you would have to give Bush and Blair's moral
claims the decided advantage of being obviously true.
Nonetheless, something can be true and still be dangerous.
Many people are deeply uneasy with the Bush-Blair doctrine.
I dare say, many conservatives in particular.
When Blair declares in his address to Congress, "The spread of freedom is our last line of
defense and our first line of attack," they see a dangerously expansive, aggressively
utopian foreign policy.
In short, they see Woodrow Wilson.
Now, to a conservative, Woodrow Wilson is fighting words.
Yes, this vision is expansive and perhaps utopian.
But it ain't Wilsonian.
Wilson envisioned the spread of democratic values through as-yet-to-be invented international
institutions.
He could be forgiven for that.
In 1918, there was no way to know how utterly corrupt and useless these international institutions
would turn out to be.
Eight decades of bitter experience later, with Libya chairing the UN Commission on Human
Rights, there is no way not to know.
Democratic globalism is not Wilsonian.
Its attractiveness is precisely that it shares realism's insights about the centrality of
power.
Its attractiveness is precisely that it has appropriate contempt for the fictional legalisms
of liberal internationalism.
Moreover, democratic globalism is an improvement over realism.
What it can teach realism is that the spread of democracy is not just an end but a means,
an indispensable means for securing American interests.
The reason is simple.
Democracies are inherently more friendly to the United States, less belligerent to their
neighbors, and more inclined to peace.
Realists are right that to protect your interests you often have to go around the world bashing
bad guys over the head.
But that technique, no matter how satisfying, has its limits.
At some point, you have to implant something, something organic.
And that something is democracy.
But where?
The danger of democratic globalism is its universalism, its open-ended commitment to
human freedom, its temptation to plant the flag of democracy everywhere.
It must learn to say no.
And indeed, it does say no.
But when it says no to Liberia, or Congo, or Burma, or countenances alliances with authoritarian
rulers in places like Pakistan and, for that matter, Russia, it stands accused of hypocrisy,
which is why we must articulate criteria for saying yes.
And I propose a single criteria, where to intervene?
Where to bring democracy?
Where to nation-build?
Where it counts?
Call it democratic realism.
And this is its axiom: We will support democracy everywhere, but we will commit blood and treasure
in places where there is a strategic necessity, meaning, a place central to the larger war
against the existential enemy, the enemy that poses a global mortal threat to freedom.
Where does it count?
Fifty years ago, Germany and Japan counted.
Why?
Because they were the seeds of the greatest global threat to freedom in mid-century, fascism,
and then were turned into bulwarks against the new, next great threat, the Soviet Union
and Soviet communism.
Where does it count today?
Where the overthrow of radicalism and the beginnings of democracy can have a decisive
effect in the war against the new global threat to freedom, the new existential enemy, the
Arab-Islamic totalitarianism that has threatened us both in its secular and religious forms
for the quarter-century since the Khomeini revolution of 1979.
Establishing civilized, decent, non-belligerent, pro-Western polities in Afghanistan and Iraq
and ultimately their key neighbors would, like the flipping of Germany and Japan in
the 40s, change the strategic balance in the fight against Arab-Islamic radicalism.
Yes, it may be a bridge too far.
Realists have been warning against the hubris of thinking we can transmute an alien culture
because of some postulated natural and universal human will to freedom.
And they may be right, but how do they know in advance?
Half a century ago, we heard the same confident warnings about the imperviousness to democracy
of Confucian culture.
That proved stunningly wrong.
Where is it written that Arabs are incapable of democracy?
Yes, the undertaking as in Germany and Japan is enormous, ambitious, arrogant, and it may
not succeed.
But we cannot afford not to try.
There is not a single, remotely plausible, alternative strategy for attacking the monster
behind 9/11.
It was not Osama bin Laden, it's the cauldron of political oppression, religious intolerance,
and social ruin in the Arab-Islamic ,oppression transmuted and deflected by regimes with no
legitimacy into murderous anti-Americanism.
It's not one man, it is a condition.
It will be nice to find that man and to hang him, but that's the cops-and-robbers law-enforcement
model of fighting terror that we tried for 20 years and that gave us 9/11.
This is war, and in war, arresting murderers is nice.
But you win by taking territory and leaving something behind.
We are the unipolar power, and what do we do?
In August, 1900, David Hilbert gave a speech to the International Congress of Mathematicians
naming 20 still unsolved mathematical problems bequeathed by the 19th Century to the 20th.
Only three remained by the way, but the soup is getting cold, so that's for another night.
Had he presented the great unsolved geopolitical problems bequeathed to the 20th century, one
would have stood out above all, the rise of Germany and its accommodation within the European
state system.
Similarly today, at the dawn of the 21st Century, we can see clearly the two great geopolitical
challenges on the horizon, the inexorable rise of China and the coming demographic collapse
of Europe, both of which will irrevocably alter the equilibrium of the international
system.
But these problems come later.
They are for mid-century.
They are for the young people here tonight.
And we won't even get to these problems unless we first deal with our problem.
And our problem is 9/11 and the roots of Arab-Islamic nihilism.
Nine-eleven felt like a new problem, but for all its shock and surprise, it is an old problem
with a new face.
Nine-eleven felt like the initiation of a new history, but it was a return to history,
the history of radical ideologies and existential enemies.
The anomaly is not the world of today.
The anomaly was the '90s, our holiday from history.
It felt like peace, but it was an interval of dreaming between two periods of reality.
Nine-eleven woke us up.
It startled us into thinking that everything was new.
It's not.
What is new is what happened not on 9/11 but 10 years earlier, on December 26, 1991, the
emergence of the United States as the world's unipolar power.
What is unique is our advantage in this new struggle, an advantage we did not have during
the struggles of the 20th Century.
The question for our time is how to press this advantage, how to exploit our unipolar
power, how to deploy it to win the old/new war that exploded upon us on 9/11.
What is the unipolar power to do?
Four schools, four answers.
The isolationists want simply to ignore unipolarity, pull up the drawbridge, and defend Fortress
America.
Alas, the fortress has no moat, not after the airplane, the submarine, the ballistic
missile, and as for the drawbridge, it was blown up on 9/11.
Then there are the liberal internationalists.
They like to dream, and to the extent they are aware of our unipolar power, they don't
like it.
They see its use for anything other than humanitarianism or reflexive self-defense as an expression
of national selfishness.
And they don't just want us to ignore our unique power, they want us to yield it piece
by piece, by subsuming ourselves in a new global architecture in which America becomes
not the arbiter of international events, but a good and tame international citizen.
And then there is realism, which has the clearest understanding of the new unipolarity and its
uses, unilateral and preemptive if necessary.
But in the end, realism fails, because it offers no vision.
It is all means and no ends.
It cannot adequately define our mission.
Hence, the fourth school, democratic globalism.
It has, in this decade, rallied the American people to a struggle over values.
It seeks to vindicate the American idea by making the spread of democracy, the success
of liberty, the ends and means of American foreign policy.
I support that.
I applaud that.
But I believe it must be tempered in its universalistic aspirations and rhetoric from a democratic
globalism to a democratic realism.
It must be targeted, focused and limited.
We are the friends of all, but we come ashore only where it really counts.
And where it counts today is the Islamic crescent stretching from North Africa to Afghanistan.
My friends, in October 1962, for 13 days, we came to the edge of the abyss.
Then, accompanied by our equally shaken adversary, we drew back.
On September 11, 2001, we saw the face of Armageddon again, but this time with an enemy
that does not draw back.
This time with an enemy that knows no reason.
Were that the only difference between now and then, our situation would be hopeless.
But there is a second difference between now and then, the uniqueness of our power, unrivaled,
not just today but ever, and that evens the odds.
The rationality of the enemy is something beyond our control, but the use of our power
is within our control.
And if that power is used, constrained not by illusions and fictions, but only by the
limits of our mission, which is to bring a modicum of freedom as an antidote to nihilism,
we can and we will prevail.
Thank you, very much.
-------------------------------------------
Nabil Fekir : Liverpool boss Jurgen Klopp had big reason for choosing ace over Thomas Lemar - Duration: 1:44.
Becker looked set to sign for Liverpool earlier this month after undergoing a
medical and posing in the club's colors however the transfer collapsed with the
players long term issues with a knee injury cited as the reason white
Liverpool are linked with Leamer last year but after the fecker deal collapsed
never realized their interest and the Liverpool Echo have now delved into why
Jurgen Klopp chose not to sign the France international lemur has since
then signed for Atletico Madrid from Ligue 1 giants Monaco the fee is
reportedly a huge pound 66 million making him at lady's most expensive
signing of all time dot Liverpool or not though deterred by his price instead
they thought that fecker were merely a better fit for their system Lima is
predominantly a winger in Liverpool are well stocked in that department
despite their interest in Stokes certain Shaqiri Becker's though is a number 10
and performed well for Lyon in that position last term Liverpool's decision
not to sign him could also be put down to the fact Lemur lacked consistency in
his final season at Monaco dot meanwhile Sky Sports Reporter Dharma chefs
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Tristeza en Argentina por la derrota ante Croacia | Al Rojo Vivo | Telemundo - Duration: 1:08.
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懒是一种病?不开玩笑!不及时治疗还能致死 - Duration: 3:53.
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UNHA ENCRAVADA: O que revela em sentido emocional? 👣 Reflexologia De A a Z - VÍDEO 21/26 - Duration: 5:02.
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버드리 남편 수입 본명 나이 공연영상 품바여왕 총정리 - Duration: 3:18.
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✅ Alle woll'n die Eisbären sehen! Vizemeister kurz vor Dauerkarten-Rekord - Duration: 2:07.
Die Fans sind nach der deutschen Eishockey-Vizemeisterschaft in der DEL heiß auf ihre Eisbären Berlin Die treuen Fans sind schon ganz heiß aufs Eis! Die Eisbären Berlin peilen einen vereinsinternen Dauerkarten-Rekord an
Wie viele Tickets schon verkauft sind. Berlin - "Hey, wir woll'n die Eisbärn sehn!" Getreu der Vereinshymne der Eisbären läuft aktuell der Dauerkarten-Verkauf vom deutschen Eishockey-Vizemeister: Denn die Puckjäger steuern geradewegs auf einen neuen Vereinsrekord zu! Denn für die Spielzeit 2018/19 sind bereits 5323 Dauerkarten verkauft, wie der Kult-Club stolz bei Facebook verkündete
Im Moment seien 5323 Dauerkarten verkauft. Damit fehlten nach Vereinsangaben noch weniger als 200 Dauerkarten, um die Bestmarke aus dem vergangenen Jahr zu toppen
"Unser Team hat mit seiner Leistung in der vergangenen Saison den Fans den Glauben an das Eisbären-Eishockey und den Erfolg wiedergegeben", sagte Eisbären-Geschäftsführer Peter John Lee (62) in einer Pressemitteilung
"Außerdem glauben wir, dass der gleichbleibende Preis und unser wirklich attraktives Paket rund um die Dauerkarte zu diesem Erfolg beigetragen haben
Jetzt wollen wir natürlich auch den Rekord knacken!" Die Eisbären hatten bereits im Dezember 2017 mit dem Vorverkauf begonnen
Und über 91 Prozent der letztjährigen Saisonabo-Inhaber sind 'Wiederholungstäter'
Ihr wollte auch live in der Mercedes-Benz Arena dabei sein, wenn die Kufencracks das Unternehmen Meisterschaft in Angriff nehmen? Tickets und weitere Infos gibt's online unter www
eisbaeren.de/dauerkarten oder bei der Dauerkartenhotline 030/97184040.
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For more infomation >> ✅ Alle woll'n die Eisbären sehen! Vizemeister kurz vor Dauerkarten-Rekord - Duration: 2:07.-------------------------------------------
진서연 나이 남편 이창원, 독전 파격노출 이유 - Duration: 5:21.
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For more infomation >> 진서연 나이 남편 이창원, 독전 파격노출 이유 - Duration: 5:21.-------------------------------------------
Coupe du monde 2018 : qui est Antonella Roccuzzo, l'amour de jeunesse de Lionel Messi ? - Duration: 3:02.
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For more infomation >> Coupe du monde 2018 : qui est Antonella Roccuzzo, l'amour de jeunesse de Lionel Messi ? - Duration: 3:02.-------------------------------------------
Cancer: Agnès Buzyn assure que les perruques vont être mieux remboursées - Duration: 1:59.
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For more infomation >> Cancer: Agnès Buzyn assure que les perruques vont être mieux remboursées - Duration: 1:59.-------------------------------------------
Woman Brutally Attacked By Robber - Duration: 1:39.
A woman is brutally attacked and robbed by a man in a West El Paso parking lot.
Security cameras captured the suspect using stolen credit cards from the
woman. Detectives from the El Paso Police Department are asking for your help in
identifying this violent robber, through the Crime Stoppers "Crime of the Week."
On the early morning hours of Friday May 25th, 2018, at 12:40 a.m., the victim, a 20-
year old female, was walking to her car in the parking lot of a shopping center
at 2900 North Mesa. The suspect began following the woman as she was walking
towards the parking lot. The victim noticed the man and began to run from
the man, and the man ran after her throwing her to the ground. The suspect
began hitting her on the head and demanded her money. The suspect
threatened the victim with a knife and fled the scene
with the victim's purse. Investigators found that the suspect had used one of
the victims credit cards at several locations, including the "Circle K" Store
located a 3910 Dyer. The suspect is described as a White or Hispanic male in
his 40's, 5'-9" in height, thin build, and short salt-and-pepper hair.
The suspect was wearing a blue t-shirt with a design on the front, blue
denim jeans, and white athletic shoes. If you have any information on the identity
of this violent robber, call Crime Stoppers of El Paso immediately at
566-8477, that's 566-TIPS. If the
information that you provide leads to an arrest, you may qualify for a cash reward.
Crime Stoppers of El Paso a nonprofit organization brings together the
community, law enforcement, and the media, to solve crimes
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For more infomation >> Woman Brutally Attacked By Robber - Duration: 1:39.-------------------------------------------
귀여워서 어떻게 먹어?나뚜르 도라에몽 아이스크림 케익 먹어본 후기 ► Gift of Life Plus ► https://goo.gl/PDijCp - Duration: 3:17.
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For more infomation >> 귀여워서 어떻게 먹어?나뚜르 도라에몽 아이스크림 케익 먹어본 후기 ► Gift of Life Plus ► https://goo.gl/PDijCp - Duration: 3:17.-------------------------------------------
UNHA ENCRAVADA: O que revela em sentido emocional? 👣 Reflexologia De A a Z - VÍDEO 21/26 - Duration: 5:02.
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For more infomation >> UNHA ENCRAVADA: O que revela em sentido emocional? 👣 Reflexologia De A a Z - VÍDEO 21/26 - Duration: 5:02.-------------------------------------------
Fiat Grande Punto 1.3 M-JET ACTUAL - Duration: 1:10.
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BMW 3 Serie Compact 316TI M-PAKKET AIRCO/CRUISE/LMV - Duration: 0:55.
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Juice WRLD - Rich And Blind (Lyrics) - Duration: 3:49.
♪ Daytrip took it to ten ♪
♪ Fine ♪
♪ Say they wanna read my mind ♪
♪ They really wanna read my mind ♪
♪ Telling you right now, all you'll find ♪
♪ Is a lost soul, rich and blind ♪
♪ They say they wanna read my mind ♪
♪ Do you really wanna read my mind? ♪
♪ I promise, all that you will find ♪
♪ Is a lost soul, rich and blind ♪
♪ I know I have a purpose, but I don't see the purpose ♪
♪ They tell me the death of me gon' be the perkys ♪
♪ I know they laced pills, I bought them on purpose ♪
♪ Life's unreal and death's uncertain ♪
♪ It's funny how the blessed ones had the most curses ♪
♪ Heart falling to the floor if we lose another person ♪
♪ Take three more, I swear it's worth it ♪
♪ But it ain't no world tour if I'm laying in a hearse ♪
♪ I remember losing little bro, he laying in the dirt ♪
♪ Now I'm bound to drop a tear or two on every single verse ♪
♪ Good terms, bad terms, when they die, it's the worst ♪
♪ Sometimes when I'm high, I feel high in reverse ♪
♪ I ain't going out like that, you fuck with me, you get the work ♪
♪ You ain't gon' see me in no wooden box, I'm gonna shoot 'em first ♪
♪ I promise y'all I'm finna touch the world, yeah, I'ma touch the Earth ♪
♪ But hold on, your girl on my line, I think I may just fuck her first ♪
♪ Yeah, gotta have some crude humor ♪
♪ Just to keep a good vibe going, keep the song grooving ♪
♪ So all my money longer, shout out bro Uzi ♪
♪ Keep my eyes in the sky 'cause that's where I'm moving ♪
♪ Say they wanna read my mind ♪
♪ They really wanna read my mind ♪
♪ Telling you right now, all you'll find ♪
♪ Is a lost soul, rich and blind ♪
♪ They say they wanna read my mind ♪
♪ Do you really wanna read my mind? ♪
♪ I promise, all that you will find ♪
♪ Is a lost soul, rich and blind ♪
♪ Is a lost soul, rich and blind ♪
♪ Blind, blind, blind ♪
♪ This is dedicated to you if you felt the lowest of the low ♪
♪ I know how it feels, you don't wanna struggle anymore ♪
♪ Used to ball hard, ain't no triple-doubles anymore ♪
♪ Bitch, I'm talking 'bout my tears ♪
♪ Turned around and faced my fears ♪
♪ I haven't felt this low in years ♪
♪ We die in three like musketeers ♪
♪ Ain't too many real n*** left in here ♪
♪ R.I.P. to all my peers ♪
♪ Smoking loud pack, what you say? I can't hear ♪
♪ But I still hear the fallen ones in my ears ♪
♪ Why, why do we live to die, die? ♪
♪ When it's my time, time, time ♪
♪ I'll leave behind my end, my 13 Reasons Why ♪
♪ Say they wanna read my mind ♪
♪ They really wanna read my mind ♪
♪ Telling you right now, all you'll find ♪
♪ Is a lost soul, rich and blind ♪
♪ They say they wanna read my mind ♪
♪ Do you really wanna read my mind? ♪
♪ I promise, all that you will find ♪
♪ Is a lost soul, rich and blind ♪
♪ Is a lost soul, rich and blind ♪
♪ Blind, blind, blind ♪
♪ Daytrip took it to ten ♪
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Cheat Codes x Little Mix - Only You (Lyrics) - Duration: 3:10.
JADE DID THAT OMG
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LOST || Short film || Have you ever feel lost? || - Duration: 3:42.
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【馬來西亞】若被選爲反對黨領袖 凱裏:我不阻止希盟改革 - Duration: 13:40.
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UNHA ENCRAVADA: O que revela em sentido emocional? 👣 Reflexologia De A a Z - VÍDEO 21/26 - Duration: 5:02.
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Volkswagen Polo 1.2TSI/90PK Comfort & Design Edition · Navigatie · Cruise control · Auto.airco - Duration: 0:53.
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How to Charge What You Are Worth .. NO! CHARGE WHAT YOU WANT - Duration: 8:24.
hello my showstoppers i'm talking about charging what you're worth versus
charging what you want ok let's talk about this worthiness shit I have never
in any industry seen such worthiness bullshit as in the expert and coaching
industry you see it everywhere you know talks about charging what you're worth
so much fucking bullshit you know the same business coaches talking about you
know you know all of those calls resonance calls discovery calls whatever
the fuck they call these calls you know these calls are all about proving
your Worth and why should you you know okay the only reason you should even
consider these calls is if you don't have a marketing plan in place it's when
you're not putting out any content because when you okay what you should be
doing from a place of fucking power is that when your potential client isn't a
call with you it's a sales call okay because you should have done the
groundwork before you know the potential client is already sold when he gets on a
call with you with your marketing with your content hmm yeah that's power my
friend okay let's talk about you know the actual how
to how to charge what you want what you do is that you just check in with
yourself you just ask what do I want to experience getting paid what amount and
the answer is your
so what you do next must be very serious here what we do next with the amount
that you get from yourself is that you need to check in with your feelings how
do you feel about this amount I mean it's this amount screaming fuck yeah I'm
so ready for this or are you afraid are you hesitant do you want to just put it
out there and cover your eyes you're afraid you know if there is any
hesitation you need to look into why is there a hesitation because ah if there
is a hesitation you are not sold on yourself this is a key issue what we the
amount we want to experience is usually higher than what we are comfortable with
so the trick is always to get sold on yourself and this is all about your
power if you're not sure if you're not sure just do a video do a life and when
you watch your video when you watch yourself look at your energy feel your
energy feel your power is are you as powerful when you're presenting your
content what you do is when you are making the sale closing the deal
presenting your price does your power does your energy drop are you stumbling
on your words are you hesitating you know these are your clues that you are
not sold on yourself and what also happens when you are sold on yourself is
that your marketing gets more powerful your content gets more powerful your
message gets more powerful and this is what sells this is how you
sell to your client this is how when the client gets on a call with you you have
already sealed deal the only thing that is left is to you know iron up the
details and close the fucking sale that should be the only thing left when you
get the client on the call it's to close the fucking deal that's what charging
what you want is all about it is never about your worthiness this is oh this is
so much bullshit we need to dissolve the shit out of the coaching industry out of
the coaching industry because what you the price you set for the amount that
you want to experience for your work is never about is it's never only about
what you do it's never only about the perceived benefits because it is also
about the experience of working with you yeah because you are the showstopper you
are the star of your own fucking show half of the price is the experience of
working with you it's the journey itself not only but the only we perceive value
or the perceived benefit you see you are the star you are the show you are why
people want to work with you and if you don't feel that you're in such bullshit
my friend you need to power up because this is what being an expert being a
consultant being a coach is all about half of it is your power half of it is
your energy because when you are a show stuff of my friend people transform in
your energy you see it is not only about what you do
mmm people transform it your own fucking
energy now let's think about the price again are we going to are you going to
calculate your price based on perceived benefits or are you going to allow
yourself to charge the price that you want to experience what is it going to
be hmm okay John take what you want to get it's all
about your power that means that you have to power the fuck up you have to
become the showstopper you cannot be you know the same vanilla fucking coach that
is all about the benefits it's all about the value it's all about the process
it's it was all about you know that what we do of things you need to become the
showstopper and of course I ate it package for you
I just launched today a brand new digital package showstoppers it's
everything you need it is of course a 12 strand power greatness activation and
four seriously powerful activations to get you into your own fucking power of
being a showstopper I will put in the links and of course remember the income
income I'm so full of shit I'm so full of shit I forgot the name of my own
digital pack the money injector I was confusing income with impact impact
accelerator and money injector love you guys bye
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Top 5 Wednesday: LGBTIQA+ Couples (with a twist!) - Duration: 8:20.
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Woman Brutally Attacked By Robber - Duration: 1:39.
A woman is brutally attacked and robbed by a man in a West El Paso parking lot.
Security cameras captured the suspect using stolen credit cards from the
woman. Detectives from the El Paso Police Department are asking for your help in
identifying this violent robber, through the Crime Stoppers "Crime of the Week."
On the early morning hours of Friday May 25th, 2018, at 12:40 a.m., the victim, a 20-
year old female, was walking to her car in the parking lot of a shopping center
at 2900 North Mesa. The suspect began following the woman as she was walking
towards the parking lot. The victim noticed the man and began to run from
the man, and the man ran after her throwing her to the ground. The suspect
began hitting her on the head and demanded her money. The suspect
threatened the victim with a knife and fled the scene
with the victim's purse. Investigators found that the suspect had used one of
the victims credit cards at several locations, including the "Circle K" Store
located a 3910 Dyer. The suspect is described as a White or Hispanic male in
his 40's, 5'-9" in height, thin build, and short salt-and-pepper hair.
The suspect was wearing a blue t-shirt with a design on the front, blue
denim jeans, and white athletic shoes. If you have any information on the identity
of this violent robber, call Crime Stoppers of El Paso immediately at
566-8477, that's 566-TIPS. If the
information that you provide leads to an arrest, you may qualify for a cash reward.
Crime Stoppers of El Paso a nonprofit organization brings together the
community, law enforcement, and the media, to solve crimes
-------------------------------------------
Elena of Avalor A Day to Remember - Top Cartoon For Kids - Zara Sharp - Duration: 17:01.
PLEASE LIKE, SHARE, COMMENT & SUBCRIBE video! Thanks you very much!
a day to remember oh let me help you with that your highness pumpkin honey
the job done so how's everything coming I don't want to be late to the theater
los Muertos celebration what's the rush my favourite day we pick up treats of
tasty to fill us with good cheer
we are there los Muertos means more to me this year since mami and papi
hey where's your costume it ripped when I was putting it on oh I'll have a
seamstress mint it right away is it up in your room that's alright
oh wait a second where's the pound or say I gave it to Francisco hope you like
your altar boy look at some devil
calling me it was hard to hear over all the singing so good hi but you're a
spirit Fox and I'm just an ordinary person well you did spend a bunch of
years in that amulet just quite just today cuz this is the one day ghosts
come to party with a living oh speaking apart oh sorry Princesa when you saw me
at the cemetery I knew you were the only one who could help me help you and you
you must stop them from selling it so you want me to convince two complete
strangers to not sell their restaurant because their grandmother's ghost told
me to sweet to order your family mine is not building an altar today instead it's
just down the street tell your driver we don't have much time
you were saying hi there table for two I can't see me I mean one save yourself
what why trust me you don't want me here yeah um I had a big breakfast so I'm not
very hungry you see got a min this is why we're
still in the restaurant sometimes it does taste like paint the truth is
Carmen you're just not a good cook yes I am heard it was pretty popular
I would but she never gave us her recipes our grandmother had a secret
cookbook they won't have to sell the restaurant is she talking to the great
diner there's only one for all of them I am
talking to your grandmother are you feeling all right
perhaps the princesses tires ghosts that's amazing not the word I was going
to use no she's already if there's any chance you know where the cookbook is by
all means lead the way wait I remember it's in my old basement of the
restaurant in the basement it's in that box in the corner well princess it looks
like your ghost was wrong well maybe I would if I hid her cookbook in another
box she was always a little forgetful no I wasn't to run around the restaurant
pretending he was the bravest knight in the kingdom trying to get the customers
to joust with him remember that julio i remember
I'm starving me too I will eat that would feed us they'd be
too happy eating to stay angry at each other oh I was talking your grandmother
I think so
down there now I can cook all of our leaders famous recipes and I can't wait
to try them but right now I better pick up the pan dulce and get back to the
cemetery but even with Abuelita the recipes I just don't think you're a good
enough cook however I do think if we sell the restaurant and just give me a
chance I have given you a chance for five years you know I have gotten our
stomach aches and bills we can't both of you put the cookbooks down Thank You
Princesa for trying to help all I wanted to do was save my restaurant what I
whenever they argued Dona and halika would cook for them that's it
donut Halley Kuwait I know how to fix things between Julio and Carmen and save
the restaurant you do him you are a good cook then he won't have to sell the
restaurant oh he burned her cookbook yes but your
abuela is right here
okay now whispers Oh frito into the stock she wants us to add the Sophie me
too but I am always with you in your
memories she says she's always with you go away
what are we doing hooli was so stubborn here I have an idea it's how a leap
that's by a yeah but the cookbooks gone she told me how to make it and her Molly
and I missed you you I was wrong let's eat Oh Senor Estrada yes good evening
yes yes because we have the best chef cooking the best food in town I'm sorry
but this restaurant is no longer for sale it and then go tell everyone you
know Kathy szeliga is open please Your Majesty come back and visit us soon I
will I made fondue stay for your parents altar don't worry
here let me serve you a plate where is she's happy she hasn't come yet
what are you doing here sketching hey guess so
hmm it's almost as good as mommy's almost would come in and play wild wild
seas remember and and and you jump on the bed so the mattress rocked with the
ship in a stormy sea is the PAL this is a great drawing of mami and papi the
costumes fine what's going on I don't want to go to the graveyard
why not like reading stories and jumping on the bed and because if we keep those
memories all up if we hurry
there you go mami papi I know they are
they say every story has a beginning except mine my story has to that's me
but one fateful day an evil power-hungry sorceress named shiriki invaded avalor
she attacked my parents sure iki tried to strike me down but the ambulance
saved my life by pulling me inside it I was freed from the amulet it was finally
my time to take back my kingdom I rescued my grandparents and sister
Isabelle from the enchanted painting my adventure wasn't over
it was just beginning again first day of rule
we're back on the flag strike a pose hey let's go see if princess Elaine is a
great idea ah help me up I barely slept last night I mean how are you supposed
to sleep the night before you become queen so when do you get your crown
tonight at the royal ball no but yeah um I couldn't see spirit animals unless a
wizard conjured them up I thought so too maybe you know when you got Koda the
amulet you took some of its magic with you huh so I'm magical now I'm just
throwing up guessing but whatever's going on it's all good cuz Isabelle time
for breakfast I know oh you're up already how can I sleep after being
trapped in an enchanted painting for 41 years
that's a journal yeah and you can use it to design all your inventions too my
little sister for your big ideas love Elena thanks Elena
don't worry cousin after tonight Elena won't be a princess anymore
she'll be queen should I tell her tell me what technically you're still 16 your
grandmother is right according to the laws
you must rule a Vallauris Crown Princess until you come of age there's a bright
side there's always a bright side you get to choose the four members of the
Grand Council tonight at the royal ball and may I be the first to offer my but
ruling a kingdom is not so simple it reminds me of a story you know how will
I show them I can be as good a leader as you the city of course today I will meet
with all the city leaders and make sure they have what I know everyone who's
anyone in avalor I will take care of everything then what are we waiting for
your majesty I haven't seen you in the castle before yeah it's my first day
Popolo is now the busiest port in the world
merchants come from all over to trade in the market place at the via Mercado the
we we go there next your majesty another submitting I'm with the princess Naomi
you to meet with Anja Paloma and the Magister of the trading gala I can meet
with her after we find the ships no no the Harbor Patrol we locate the ships
we've already sent out a search boat princess see stay and help for now let's
have the Navy join the search I'll come back right after I've met with joinha
Paloma I promise can I stay I want to finish sketching the boats weird what
was weird about it no that's weird why our jobs burning a shit let's go
investigate princess don't worry I'll protect you Oh No Dona Paloma personally
make all trade deals from there long that's a pretty long list
I just got ISA back I can't lose her again what was I thinking I never should
have left the harbor Skyler Skyler thieves well if I'm gonna rule this
kingdom I can't be afraid of taking on a few thieves exactly come on Naomi
wait what you want me to go with you on one of those things hello
do you see the ship no but that's impossible they just left did you see
who stole it they were these weird purplish creatures
princess Elena Mateo Niomi you know each other sorta go
to school together I need your help Mateo
it's an emergency hey okay so what do these creatures look like purple right
with pointy ears and spots hmm that sounds familiar oh the Noblin
stealing ships apparently well if they don't like leaving home maybe that's
where they're headed that's why we didn't see the ships on
the ocean because they took them up the river that's where we should love
oh there's a fork in the river which way do we go we could split up no wait
there's something in the water how dare they did your our beautiful kingdom it's
a page from Isabelle I have a few tricks up my sleeve you've been waiting all day
to say that haven't you maybe as a future Queen of avalor I order you to
leave this vessel at once I will not let my novel ends be captured again again
I'm not going anywhere it's my job to protect you and it's my job
well I was trying to prove that I'm ready to rule now and how's that working
out for you not so well hmm did you ever stop and
think why the Noblet but are you ready to learn cuz that's all that matters
just take your time and you'll do great I am princess Elena
I am chiku leader of the novel ins chiku I should have asked before but why are
you taking our ships but then one day the bars of our prison vanished we were
free but we were so far from home in a strange city and I had to get my fellow
nuttin I have a royal decree to make chiku you can borrow our ships to take
you home as long as we get them back after thank you your majesty right the
ball and what was I supposed to do she just
took off on the Jack win look it's a little princess Elena
Castillo Flores do you swear to protect and defend the kingdom of avalor and I
learned that I have a lot to learn before I become queen so with that in
mind I am ready to appoint my Grand Council me today you gave me great
advice and wouldn't stop trying to get me to take it I could use your common
sense and resolve on my council I would be foolish not to seek your expertise
yes this is true and finally my grandfather Francisco
is it supposed to do this Crown Princess Elena of avalor
not bad for your first day oh this is gonna be fun
-------------------------------------------
Diego Simeone, en un audio viral: "Hoy en el vestuario se están agarrando a trompadas" - Duration: 5:25.
comentarios Diego Simeone Lionel Messi Selección Argentina de Fútbol Aunque la caída argentina en el Mundial dolerá por un tiempo largo, este jueves la herida está más abierta que nunca
Y en medio de ese contexto de tristeza al que no escapan declaraciones airadas de jugadores, como el Kun Agüero ("Que Sampaoli diga lo que quiera"), se viralizó un audio que se suma a la hoguera de indignación alrededor de la Selección
La voz es muy claramente la de Diego Simeone, entrenador del Atlético de Madrid y uno de los más efectivos en su puesto en el mundo
Y el tono es de indignación.Mirá también Argentina y un papelón Mundial "Lo que está pasando en estos momentos es lo que le pasó a la Selección durante estos últimos cuatro años, desgraciadamente
Anarquía, no liderazgo de parte de la dirigencia ni de parte de los que conducen… Yo veo que el equipo está perdido
Que tendría que haber jugado el arranque del partido como arrancó hoy, como lo hizo contra Islandia, que era un equipo más endeble
Y al revés: el partido de Islandia haberlo jugado contra Croacia", explica Simeone a su interlocutor, al que en un momento llama como "Germán" (mismo nombre de Burgos, su ayudante de campo en el Atleti)
El Cholo aventura además que en la intimidad del plantel el clima es de furia. "Te aclaro que hoy en el vestuario se están agarrando a trompadas en este instante
Alguien se tiene que pelear. Dejate de hinchar las bolas, loco, dale", declara. Y profundiza: "El equipo está mal
Está mal". De todas maneras, muestra optimismo sobre el futuro inmediato: "Es Argentina y yo creo, y espero no errarle, que va a pasar
Va a pasar porque Nigeria le va a ganar a Islandia y ahí vas a tener la posibilidad vos de, ganándole a Nigeria pasar
Siempre y cuando Islandia no gane contra Croacia, porque ahora dependés de Islandia, que no gane ninguno de los dos partidos"
Mirá también Qué necesita Argentina para seguir en el Mundial Tampoco se ahorra críticas sobre la actuación de Wilfredo Caballero, que con un grave error posibilitó el primer gol de Croacia
"El arquero, decime la verdad: lo había hecho ya, Germán. Lo hizo contra España, lo hizo contra Italia, que se fue al lado del palo y yo te comenté: 'Es una lástima que no le hagan el gol para que se den cuenta de que si la cagás en el mundial es gol'"
Luego apunta directamente contra Jorge Sampaoli. "Todos decimos siempre que los futbolistas son lo más importante de este juego
Pero serán el 60%, no el 90%, porque cuando los entrenadores la cagamos, seguro que es peor que cuando la cagan los jugadores
Entonces el entrenador quiere decir que participa mucho en todo esto".Mirá también El Uno por Uno de la Argentina: un boletín de calificaciones plagado de aplazos Y en el cierre, directamente carga contra Lionel Messi, de pobre actuación en los dos partidos del Mundial, penal errado contra Islandia incluido
"No damos cuenta de que Messi es muy bueno, pero te aclaro que es muy bueno porque está recontraacompañado de extraordinarios futbolistas
Y la pregunta mía: si vos tuvieras que elegir entre Messi y Ronaldo, para un equipo normal, ¿a quién elegirías?", dispara, sin dejar muchas dudas sobre su preferencia
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